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Author Topic:   9/11

Posts: 689
From: neptune
Registered: Jun 2014

posted September 11, 2014 07:58 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote

[Terrorism: 1) systematic use of terror, manifesting itself in violence or intimidation, for generating fear.]

“Armed with knives. Armed with chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. Fanatics. Terrorists. September 11th. September 11th. Killers. September 11th. Terrorists. Terrorists. Al Qaeda. Terrorists. Nuclear weapons. Terror. 9/11. Terror. Terror. Terror. Evil.”

“September 11th. September 11th. The terrorists. War and danger. September 11th. Terrorism. Global terrorism. Terrorism. Terrorism. Terrorist. Terrorist. Terrorist. Terrorist. The terrorists. Terrorists. Terrorists. Terrorism. September 11th. Global terrorism. Terrorism. Terrorism. Terrorists. September 11th. World terrorism. Terrorists. Terrorism. September 11th. Global Terrorism.

“September the 11th. Terrorist. Terrorist. Terrorist. Terrorist. Terrorist. Weapons of mass destruction. September the 11th. September the 11th. Terrorists. The evil terrorists. Terrorists. Terrorists.”

“Terrorism. The words are hypnotically repeated. Terrorism. Terrorists. Terrorist threat. And of course, believe-to-be-linked-to-al-Qaeda. But, it’s the so-called War on Terrorism that it’s our faces practically 24/7 as inescapable focus of our existence.”


“…as if a demolition team set off, when you do the demolition of an old building.”

“…it looks like one of those things when an old building being purposely dynamited and blown up.”

“…anybody that ever watched a building being demolish on purpose knows, that if you’re going to do this, you have to get at the under-infrastructure of the building to bring it down.”

“The way this structure is collapsing is something that was planted, it’s not accidental, that the first tower just happens to collapse, and the second one collapse in exactly the same way. How they accomplish this, we don’t know.”

“The building collapsed to dust. You don’t find a desk, you don’t find a chair. You don’t find a telephone, a computer. The biggest piece of a telephone I found was half of a keypad, and it was about this big.”

-“What happened to the concrete?”
-“The concrete was pulverized. Rivers and rivers of this dust powder, two or three inches thick. The concrete was just uh… pulverized!”

“(…) we’ve all seen too much on television before, when a building is deliberately destroyed by well placed dynamite to knock it down.”

“…it’s as if, as if they had detonators, yes detonators, planted to take down the building, boom, boom, boom, boom, boom, boom, boom, yes”

“…I heard a second explosion”

“it was a uh… heavy duty explosion…”

“…there was a secondary explosion and then a subsequent collapse”

“…close to blow and it knocked everybody else”

“to me sounded like, sounded like an explosion..”

“it sounded like gunfire, bang-bang-bang-bang-bang-bang-bang! And then all of the sudden, three big explosions”

“we heard a big explosion coming down”

“…the top part of the building just blew up”

“we saw some king of explosion”

“…by the force of the explosions…”

“…big explosion, we went back to the eight floor”

” when we got to the lobby, it’s this big explosion”

“…the lobby looked as though, a bomb had exploded there”

“huge explosions, now raining debris … “

“…there’s been a huge explosion”

“huge explosion that we all heard and felt”

“we just witness some kind of (…) explosion and uh”

“…a very loud blast explosion “

“a secondary explosion, tower 1-10″

“there is some other bomb going off. He thinks there were actually devices that were planted in the buildings” “planted in the building”

[The 911 Myth:

19 hijackers, directed by Osama Bin Laden, took over 4 commercial jets
with box cutters and, while evading the Air Defense System (NORAD), hit
75% of their targets. In turn, World Trade Towers 1, 2 & 7 collapsed due
to structural failure through fire in a "pancake" fashion, while the
plane that hit the Pentagon vaporized upon impact, as did the plane
that crashed in Shanksville. The 911 Commission found that there were
no warnings for this act of terrorism, while multiple government
failures prevented adequate defense.]

["no warnings"]

“I don’t think anybody could have predicted that they would try to use an airplane as a missile, a hijacked airplane as a missile…”

“nobody in our government at least, and I don’t think the previous government could have envisioned flying planes into buildings”

“no specific threats involving, really domestic operations involving what happened obviously, the cities, airlines and so on”

“there… I… were… I… uhm… no warning signs that I am aware of”

“USA Today reports that in the two years before the attacks on september 11th, NORAD conducted exercises using hijacked airliners as weapons, and one target… was the world trade center”

[Cover of FEMA response manual, 1997]

[Operation "Mascal", October 2000: Simulated a plane crash into the Pentagon]

“In confidential documents from the Philippines obtained by CNN, the plan was clear. He would board any American commercial aircraft, control its cockpit, and dive it on the CIA headquarters. Others buildings targeted: the Pentagon and the World Trade Center.”

“Security and counter terrorism was blinking red, in the words of George Tenet, and the warnings of an imminent attack was so severe, that something dramatic should have been done. It was unparalleled. Instead, our president went on a month long vacation?”

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Posts: 689
From: neptune
Registered: Jun 2014

posted September 11, 2014 08:03 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
Oh.... Let's not forget.
From the Illuminati card game made in 1995.


Funny, huh. The world is a stage.

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Posts: 689
From: neptune
Registered: Jun 2014

posted September 11, 2014 08:05 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
[Osama Bin Laden]

“Of course we’re after Saddam Hussein, I mean uh, bin Laden… he’s…”

“January 2001. The Bush administration, orders the FBI and intelligence agencies to back off investigations involving the bin Laden family including two of Osama Bin Laden’s relatives, who were living, guess where, in Falls Church, VA, right next to CIA headquarters.”

“When he was already America’s most wanted criminal, he reportedly spent two weeks in an American hospital in Dubai, was treated by an American doctor, and visited by the local CIA agent.”

“We have not seen one piece of evidence that links Osama bin Laden directly to the planning stages of September 11th.”

“…this failure to provide proof, was later said to be unnecessary because bin Laden, in a video allegedly found in Afghanistan admitted responsibility for the attacks. This confession now is widely cited as proof, but the man in this video has darker skin, fuller cheeks and a
broader nose than Osama bin Laden in all other videos. We again seem to have planted evidence.”

“In 1996, Osama’s older brother Salim bin Laden, hired a man in Texas by the name of Jim Bath to handle all the investments in the United States for the bin Ladin family. Jim Bath also happens to be a person almost a lifelong friend and former national guard pilot with George W. Bush. The connections between the Bushes and bin Ladins become much more clear (…) when George H. W. Bush made trips to Saudi Arabia in 1998 and 2000 to meet with the bin Ladin family on behalf of the company the Carlyle Group.”

[George H.W. Bush was meeting with Osama's older brother, Shafig bin Laden, on the morning of 9/11 in a Carlyle Group function. The Carlyle Group is one of the world's largest defense contractors, which continue to reap massive profits off of the post 911 "War on Terrorism" and Afghan/Iraq Wars.]


“How could anyone fly a 60 Ton, 125 foot wide, 44 foot tall plane through this obstacle course?”

“The aircraft, before striking the Pentagon, reportedly executed a 270 degree downward spiral, and yet Hani Hanjour was known as a terrible pilot, who cannot safely fly even a small plane.”

["He didn't care about the fact that he couldn't get through the course"
- Flight school employee]

["I am still to this day amazed that he could have flown into the
Pentagon… he could not fly at all." - Flight school employee.]

“No seats, no luggage, no bodies. Nothing but bricks and limestone.”

“The official explanation is that the intense heat from the jet fuel vaporized the entire plane. Flight 77 had two Rolls Royce engines made of steel and titanium alloy and weight six tonnes each. It is scientifically impossible that tonnes of steel and titanium were vaporized by jet fuel.”

“We were told that the bodies were able to be identified, either by their fingertips, or by their DNA, so what kind of fire can vaporize aluminum and tempered steel and yet leave human bodies intact. “

“From my close up inspection, there’s no evidence of a plane having impacted anywhere near the Pentagon, and as I said, the only pieces left that you can see, are small enough that you can pick up with your hand.”

“Shortly after the strike, government agents picked up debris, and carried it off. The entire lawn was covered by dirt and gravel so that any remaining forensic evidence was literally covered up. The videos from security cameras which would show what really hit the Pentagon, were immediately confiscated by the agents of the FBI. The Department of Justice has to this day, refused to release them. These videos would prove that the Pentagon was really hit by a 767. Most of us would assume, the government would release them.”

[over 80 video recordings of the Pentagon strike are currently being withheld by the FBI]

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Posts: 689
From: neptune
Registered: Jun 2014

posted September 11, 2014 08:07 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
“Pancake theory, according to which the fires, while not melting the steel, heated it up sufficiently to cause the floors, weakened by the plane strikes, to break loose from the steel columns and this started a chain reaction.”

“So you would expect them from that theory, which is the official theory, to see a whole stack of floors piled up on top of each other, and then a spindle of core columns standing too.”

“The core of each of the twin towers consisted of 47 massive steel columns. If the floors had broken loose from them, these columns would’ve still been sticking up into the air, a thousand feet.”

“The planes did not cut all those core columns…”

“We design the buildings to take the impact of a Boeing 707, hitting the building at any location.”

“The building probably could sustain multiple impacts of jetliners.”

“…that the plane flew straight into the buildings,” -“straight through in, right”, -“so you say that the buildings were actually designed to cope with a hole like that and still survive?” -“yes, it was, it was”

“if you were to drop a billiard ball from the top of the World Trade Center, 110 floors up there, it would have taken 8 to 10 seconds to hit the ground, encountering no resistance whatsoever.”

“The twin towers came down at nearly free fall speed. Two hundred thousand tones of steel shatters and explodes outwards over 500 feet.”

“This means that floors shattered at an average rate of about ten floors per second.”

“There’s no scenario for a pancake effect of buildings falling that allows them to fall at the rate of free fall.”

“Now what can do that? What can move mass out of the way? Explosives.”

“47 huge steel columns going up the core and they’re interconnected, how do you get them to fail simultaneously so the core disappears. It looks like those core columns were cut.”

“The way we do this is by cutting the beams at an angle.”

[Core column after the collapse.]

[Notice the "cut" shape and the melted… or "Molten Metal".]

“I started looking at the molten metal. All three buildings, both towers in the rubble, in the basement areas, and Building 7 … there’s these pools of molten metal..”

[For well over 6 weeks after the collapse, Hot spots of 2000F were documented in the debris.]

[That is 500F hotter than Jet fuel even burns.]

“You get down below and you see… molten steel… molten steel running down the channel rails, like you’re in a foundry, like lava, from a volcano”

“The molten steel was found ‘three, four and five weeks later, when the rubble was being removed’. He said that molten steel was also found at WTC7.”

“So I’m looking through the official reports, what do they say about the molten metal..? they say nothing. Now, wait a minute… this is important evidence… where did that come from?”

“Thermite is so hot that just cuts through steel, structural steel for example, like a knife through butter. The products are molten iron and aluminum oxide, which goes off primarily as a dust. You know those enormous dust clouds? You can imagine when you assemble these chemicals on a large scale.”

[Dr. Steven Jones
Physics Professor, BYU
Through Electron Microscope Analysis of the molted WTC Steel & the iron-rich microspheres in the dust, Dr. Jones found exact traces of not only the "Thermite" explosive compound, but, due to the high sulfur content, "Thermate", a patented brand of Thermite used in the demolition industry.]

“Molten metal pools under both towers after they collapse and building 7. Now building 7 wasn’t even hit by a jet!”

“Part of the problem is that most people don’t know much about building 7, due to the extraordinary secrecy surrounding this collapse.”

“This is a 47 story skyscraper. This building fell at 5:25 p.m.”

“It was not hit by a plane. This building had fires on only 2 or 3 floors.”

“And it was brought down by what we know was a controlled demolition.”

“Controlled demolitions, they look just like that, kink in the middle and then that building just comes straight down almost at free fall speed.”

“They first blow one of the central columns so the building falls in on itself. Building 7 had a classic crimp or wedge, its central column was blown out first, so it didn’t structurally damaged buildings just a few feet away from it.”

[The Government's explanation for all three collapses was FIRE.]

[NEVER before or after 9/11, has any Steel building collapsed from fire.]

[Collapse Characteristics of World Trade Center 1, 2 & 7, fit the CONTROLLED DEMOLITION model EXACTLY.]

[Oh… Did I mention the sub-basement explosions? THAT OCCURRED SECONDS

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Posts: 689
From: neptune
Registered: Jun 2014

posted September 11, 2014 08:09 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
Our office was on the B1 level. As I was talking to a supervisor, at 8:46(am)…and all the sudden we here BOOM! An explosion so hard, it pushed up upwards. And it came from the Basement, between the B2 level and the B3 level. And when I went to verbalize… we hear BOOM… the impact of the plane at the top.”

“As I’m walking by the main freight car of the building, in the corridor… that’s when I got blown… I mean… the impact of the explosion threw me to the floor and that’s when everything started happening. All the sudden a big impact happened again…and all the ceiling tile was falling down… the light fixtures were falling. you know you got to go clear across the whole… from one to two trade center and all the sudden it happened all over again. Something else hit us to the floor, right in the basement you felt it, walls were caving in, everything going on…I know people that got killed in the basement, I know people that got broken legs in the basement, people who got reconstructive surgery because the walls hit them in the face.”


“According to standard operating procedures, if an FAA flight controller notices anything that suggests possible hijacking, controllers contact their superiors. If the problem within about a minute, the superiors ask NORAD, the North American Aerospace Defense Command, to send up or scramble jet fighters to find out what is going on. NORAD then issues the scramble order to the nearest Air Force base that has firefighters on alert. Although interceptions usually occur within 10 or so minutes, in this case 80 or so minutes had elapsed before fighters were even airborne.”

“It’s a mind-bending anomaly. Not a single US air force turns a wheel until it’s too late. There are no jets at all.”

“What if they were so confused, and had been so deliberately confused, that they couldn’t respond.”

“The reason they didn’t know where to go, was because a number of conflicting and overlapping war game exercises were taking place (…) it involved the insertion of false radar blips, under radar screens on the northeast air defense sector”

FAA: “Hi, Boston Center TMU, we have a problem here. We have a hijacked aircraft headed towards New York. We need someone to scramble some F-16s or something up there, help us out.”

NORAD: “Is this real world or exercise?”

“There was another exercise, Vigilant Warrior, which was in fact according to a NORAD source, a live-fly hijack drill being conducted at the same time. With only eight available fighter aircraft, and they have to be dispatched in pairs, they were dealing with as many as 22 possible hijacks on the day of 9/11. And they couldn’t separate the war game exercises from the actual hijacks.”

[In 2000, NORAD had 67 intercepts. 100% accuracy. On 9/11 they failed 4
times in one day.

On the morning of 9/11 he was in charge of all NORAD
orders from the command bunker under the White House.

In at least one of the many war games going on the morning of 9/11, planes being flown into building was a scenario]

[9/11 Commission]

“Page 172. The US Government has not been able to determine the origin of the money used for the 9/11 attacks. Ultimately, the question is of little practical significance”

“The American authorities had not manage to trace the source of the funding, and then the most amazing and disingenuous statement: ‘ultimately it is of little consequence’. It is of massive consequence!”

“Doesn’t it matter who paid for 9/11? “

“The collapse of building 7 has been recognized as a specially difficult to explain. The 9/11 Commission Report, implicitly admitted that it could not explain the collapse of this building, by not even mentioning it.”

-“Why are you and the Vice President insisting on appearing together before the 9/11 Commission?”
-“Because the 9/11 Commission wants us to ask us questions, and that’s why we’re meeting, and I look forward to meeting with them and answering their questions.”
-“And why are you appearing together rather than separately, which was their request?”
-“Because it’s a good chance that both of us, to answer questions the 9/11 Commission is looking forward to asking us and am looking forward to answering them. Let’s see…”

“Do you think they should be able to stand up and speak their own words? They should go under oath. Yeah, in public!”

[When Bush and Cheney met with the 9/11 Commission, they did so only on
their own terms:

They appeared together
They were not under oath
No press or family members were allowed to attend.
No recording of any kind was allowed
No transcript was allowed]
-“Don’t you think the families deserve to have a transcript or to be able to see (…)”
-“Adam, you asked me this question yesterday, I got the same answer, yeah”

“The final report was a unanimous report. That means that if there was a single commissioner that had any objection about anything, that fact would be dropped from the report.”

“We had found out that he, not only served in a transition team of the Bush administration, that he was a person who wrote a draft memo for the setup of the Bush administration’s National Security Council. That he was an individual who wrote the preemptive war strategy, that was eventually used for the war in Iraq, and he is a close friend of Condolezza Rice’s. We want him to resign.”

“There is literally nothing in the 9/11 Report that the Bush Administration did not approve of.”

“We can understand therefore that the Commission under Zelikow’s leadership, would have ignored all of the evidence that would point to the truth. That 9/11 was a false flag operation and tended to authorize the doctrines and funds needed for a new level of imperial mobilization.”

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Posts: 689
From: neptune
Registered: Jun 2014

posted September 11, 2014 08:13 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
[The 9/11 Truth:

Criminal Elements within the US government staged a "false flag" Terror
attack on its own citizens, in order to manipulate public perception
into supporting its agenda.

They have been doing these for years.

9/11 was an Inside Job.]

“I am absolutely appalled of how much people in this country do not think. We are given to understand that an Arabic guy, out there out in the mountains, financed the most elaborate attack on this country.”

“Do you think some people in a cave, some people in a cave were able to have NORAD stand down? Do you think some people in a cave were able to have all of this happen!?”

“When I think about how many Americans were killed in NYC and believing as I do, that this thing was a set up job. This is a textbook operation that the Nazis used, over and over again. America has been suckered in one more time.”

“I don’t have to tell you things are bad, everybody knows things are bad. The dollar buys a nickel’s worth. Banks are going bust, shopkeepers keep a gun under the counter, punks are running wild on the streets, and there’s nobody anywhere seems to know what to do, there’s
no end to it. We know the air is unfit to breathe and our food is unfit to eat. We sit watching our TV while some local newscaster tells us that today we had 15 homicides, 63 violent crimes, as if that’s the way is supposed to be. We know things are bad, worse than bad! They’re crazy, it’s like everything everywhere it’s going crazy, so we don’t go out anymore. We sit in the house and slowly the world we live in is getting smaller, and all we say is ‘please, at least leave us along in our living room, let me have my toaster, my tv, my steel belted radio and I won’t say anything… just leave us alone!’ Well I’m not going to leave you alone… I want you to get mad! I don’t want you to protest, I don’t want you write to your Congress members because I don’t know what to tell you to write, I don’t know what to do about the depression, the inflation, and the Russians and the crime on the streets, all I know is that first, you gotta get mad! You’ve gotta say, ‘I’m a human being ******* it, my life has value!'”

“There’s smoke – real bad – 105. Two tower. It’s real bad, it’s black, it’s arid. My wife thinks I’m all right. I called and said I was leaving the building. I was fine, and then BANG! Three of us – two broken windows. Oh God!”

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From: neptune
Registered: Jun 2014

posted September 11, 2014 08:16 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
There is something behind the throne greater than the king himself”
-Sir William Pitt, House of Lords, 1770-

“The World is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes”
-Benjamin Disraeli, English Statesman, 1844-

“The real truth of the matter is that a financial element in the large centers has owned the government since the days of Andrew Jackson”
-Franklin D. Roosevelt, US President, 1933-
September 11th was the jump start for, what is now, accelerating agenda by the ruthless elite. It was a staged war pretext, no different than the sinking of the Lusitania, the provoking of Pearl Harbor and the Gulf of Tonkin lie. In fact, if 9/11 wasn’t a planned war pretext, it would be an exception to the rule. It has been used to launch two unprovoked illegal wars, one against Iraq and one against Afghanistan. However, 9/11 was a pretext for another war as well. The war against you. The Patriot Act, Homeland Security, the Military Tribunals Act and other legislations are all completely and entirely designed to destroy your civil liberties and limit your ability to fight back against what is coming.

Currently in the United States, unannounced and most brain-washed Americans, your home can be searched, without a warrant, without you being home, you can in turn be arrested with no charges revealed to you, detained indefinitely with no access to a lawyer and legally tortured, all under the suspicion that you might be a terrorist.

If you need a painted picture of what is happening in this country, let’s recognize how history repeats itself. In February 1933, Hitler staged a false flag attack burning down his own German Parliament building, the Reichstag and blamed it on communist terrorists. Within the next few weeks he passed the Enabling Act which completely eradicated the German Constitution, destroying people’s liberties. He then led a series of pre-emptive wars all justified in German people as necessary to maintaining “homeland security”.

“An evil exists that threatens every man, woman and child of this great nation, we must take steps to ensure our domestic security and protect our homeland.”
-Adolf Hitler, when announcing the Gestapo to the people.

“On the matter of communism and its front organizations should not obscure the issue!”
–Adolf Hitler

“Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists and every government that supports them.”
– George W. Bush

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From: neptune
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posted September 11, 2014 08:18 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
It’s time to wake up. The people in power go out of their way to make sure that you are perpetually misled and manipulated. The majority’s perception of reality, especially in the political arena, is not their own. It’s shrewdly imposed upon them without them even knowing it. For example, the public at large actually believes the invasion of Iraq is going badly as sectarian violence doesn’t seem to stop. What the public fails to see is that the destabilization of Iraq is exactly what the people behind the government want. This war is to be sustained so the region can be divided up, domination of the oil maintained, continual profits reaped for the defence contractors and most importantly, permanent military bases established to be used as a launching pad against other oil-bearing nonconforming countries such as Iran and Syria. For further implication that the civil war and estabilization is purely intentional, in 2005 two elite British SAS officers were arrested by Iraqi police after being caught driving around in their car, shooting at civilians while dressed up as Arabs. After being arrested and taken to a jail in Basra, the British Army immediately requested the release of these men. When the Basra Government refused, British tanks came in and physically broke out the men from the Basra prison.

“If you wish to destroy an area, how do you do it? Well there are two ways: you can go in there and bomb it and so forth, but that is not very efficient. What you do is you try to get the people in that area to kill each other and to destroy their own territory, their own farms, and that’s what’s been done to that area. So, the way in which you destroy the bond is get him to destroy himself by dividing his ranks against one another.”

“And then you feed both sides, you have agents feeding both sides – inflaming both sides, and they kill each other off. And it’s time that some of us woke up to this reality, to understand that will people try to maintain empires and create empires. They do it by manipulating the people they are trying to conquer.”

You might wanna ask yourself why the entire culture is utterly saturated with mass media entertainment from all sides while the educational system in America continues its stupefying downwards slide since the US Government decided to take over and subsidize the public school system.

“What your government pays for, it gets. When we understand that, then we look at government financed institutions of education and see the kind of students and the kind of education that’s been turned out by these government financed schools, the logic will tell you that if what has been turned out in those schools was not in accord with what the state and the federal government wanted then it would change it.”

“The bottom line is that the government is getting what they have ordered. They do not want your children to be educated. They do not want you to think too much. That is why our country and our world has become so proliferated with entertainments, mass media, television shows, amusement parks, drugs, alcohol and every kind of entertainment that keep the human mind entertained. So that you don’t get in the way of important people by doing too much thinking. You had better wake up and understand that there are people who are guiding your life and you don’t even know it.”

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From: neptune
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posted September 11, 2014 08:32 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote

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posted September 11, 2014 08:37 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
Wake up. Wake up. Wake up. Wake up.

The cards are being played, and we're still blind.

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posted September 11, 2014 09:24 PM           Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
I thought everyone knew 9/11 was a set up by the American government by now. It couldn't get any more obvious could it?
You seem a lot like rajji...

I'm awake and not blind, my eyes are so open they're constantly watering from not being able to close....
Blinded by the light maybe...

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From: neptune
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posted September 11, 2014 09:44 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for ilunatique     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote

I thought that too, but there are still people out there calling me or you just superstitious and absolutely crazy for believing this. Paranoid. Even with all these facts in front of them. Even with all the signs, the songs, the media... That just makes me incredibly sad and frustrated.

You aren't just the McDonalds menu or the image of a CEO or whatever stranger, a bag of flesh. Youre more than that. A spirit. Venus isn't only gas and rocks. She's more than that. She's also beauty and feminity. These things, THESE THINGS aren't what our leaders tell us to be either. You just have to look beyond or in the past in these cases.

I was just thinking of rajji good call. Its 4:39am and I'm flooding the LL forums with stuff.

btw, isn't this card pretty? Remember...... 1995. Malaysian airlines.

There was a card for WW3 which had a connection with Russia too but I'm too tired to search for it. Might just start another topic about these beautiful cards later.

Welcome, deepsea

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posted January 23, 2020 05:29 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for todd     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote

Trump: I’m Reopening 9/11 Investigation

Two Independent Investigations Conclude That Nukes Were Involved in the Collapse of World Trade Center 1 & 2

Introduction by Gordon Duff with Ian Greenhalgh and Jeff Smith (Nuclear weapons designer/particle physicist)

The material here is overwhelming, hours of lectures and dozens of detailed slides. This is not an easy read. It is another piece of irrevocable proof regarding 9/11 and the use of nuclear weapons and, on its own, worth much more than just scanning or flipping through.

Architects and engineers say planes don’t knock down skyscrapers. Nuclear physicists say only atomic bombs can turn out this kind of heat and damage. The real investigators who were silenced by a grand jury and a wealth of threats said it was a conspiracy and named lots of names, some expected, some not.

Now an independent physicist has proven the work done by the original investigators who were silenced and much new work as well. His modeling and detail is breathtaking.

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Texas Seniors On Medicare Are Getting A Big Pay Day

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Normal Vitamins are Trash! New Product Energizes Blood with Nutrition in 5 Minutes! (See VIDEO)

We were recently introduced to the work of Germany physicist Heinz Pommer. I chose to contact him. His work deeply parallels work done by the US Department of Energy and IAEA which was censored and suppressed so that the fake 9/11 report could be published and blame put on Iraq and Afghanistan.

Unlike Pommer’s work (aided by Jeff Prager), the VT team included some of those involved in the ill fated original investigation. Working from different data, to an extent, both teams have ended up with nearly identical results.

VT knows the who, how and when from official sources. Pommer (and Prager), however, have taken their portion a step further and have produced what the original team would have presented to congress and the president, had they been allowed, of the proofs of nuclear weapons and their effects. Their work is identical to the secret work by the DOE and Sandia National Labs but adds much as well.

Included are video presentations sent by Pommer to me and his PDF slides. This material has been submitted to the US team and we will get their comments.

6.3 Demon’s trap 9/11

This Curcumin is 14,000 Stronger for Fighting Pain and Inflammation! (VIDEO)

Your mind is not your consciousness. Your consciousness is your state or quality of awareness of your existence, of being a person.

Your mind, however, can be hijacked and controlled. Your thoughts can be guided to this and that, and finally your mind might simply play the role of an uneducated dog. It barks a lot: “be aware, intruders!”

If your mind is bent the right way (in the sense of the perpetrators of 9/11) you will accept nothing except the fairy tale of Osama bin Laden. Then your mind and your thoughts will clutch and grasp to the last straws, in order to save your world view. It will accept nothing, least of all an offending truth

Nuclear 9/11 Can No Longer Be Ignored – It Is Killing Us All

September 3, 2019

[ Editor’s Note: We have started our 9-11 anniversary discussion early this year, despite all of our previous nuclear 9-11 material having been blacked out to this day, but never challenged by any official party with a reputation to lose.

“Falling man” – representing all of us getting throw off the roof

While we will be republishing our seminal Sandia Labs official 9-11 report material that cleared our own screeners for public use, we will also be covering that the failure of our security agencies to grab the real 9-11 perpetrators has left us exposed to, which will change America forever, if not somehow the trend is not reversed.

Our government’s total 9-11 failure has left us exposed to a growing real time surveillance that not even science fiction writers could have imagined. A Google executive got carried away during a talk a few years ago and spilled the beans.

“We are soon going to be able to know what you are going to do before you do.”

Expecting this Google revelation to spark a huge national debate, we were wrong. There was nothing.

What Vitamin Gives You Beautiful Hair, Strong Nails, Amazing Skin and Helps Lose Weight? (VIDEO)

Our government and civil institutions just rolled over on the pathetic 9-11 Commission report; and the commissioners admitted on their subsequent speaking tours that they knew witnesses had perjured themselves, but because they were not under oath, nothing could be done to them.

This overt rigging of the commission process got no serious blow back at the time. One of the commissioners stated that they accepted that the job of both political parties’ commission members was to make sure that no blame got splattered onto their respective party.

While shocking, that honesty was refreshing. The commissioners expected and participated in a fake investigation. But so did a long line of those who had sworn oaths to defend the country at all costs, and they rolled over, too.

That left us with the bad guys knowing that the next time they wanted to push the button, it would be a lot easier. To date, of those that failed us back then, none has come forward to repent, despite all the first responders dying off from the nuclear blast radiation cancers.

Never have so many owed so little to those in our American government at all levels from that time. A fitting tribute to the 9-11 victims would be to publicly spotlight all those involved in the 911 coverup and demand a real investigation… Jim W. Dean ]

18 Years Later the 9/11 Truth Surfaces! US Governments in Big Trouble When America See’s This

On September 11, 2001 the World Trade Center Building 7 suddenly collapsed into it’s own footprint. WTC 7 was not hit by a plane, however, after it collapsed we were told fires cause the unique collapse, that narrative was never accepted by engineers nor the public!

Now, years later, The University of Alaska Fairbanks in conjunction with Architects and Engineers of 9/11 Truth, have brought us the real story. All that and more below… PLEASE

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Operation Encore and the Saudi connection: A secret history of the 9/11 investigation

Behind the scenes, a small team of FBI agents spent years trying to solve a stubborn mystery — whether officials from Saudi Arabia, one of Washington’s closest allies, were involved in the worst terror attack in U.S. history. This is their story.

On the morning of Sept. 11 last year, about two dozen family members of those killed in the terror attacks filed into the White House to visit with President Donald Trump. It was a choreographed, somewhat stiff encounter, in which each family walked to the center of the Blue Room to share a moment of conversation with Trump and the first lady, Melania Trump, before having a photograph taken with the first couple. Still, it was an opportunity the visitors were determined not to squander.

One after another, the families asked Trump to release documents from the FBI’s investigation into the 9/11 plot, documents that the Justice Department has long fought to keep secret. After so many years they needed closure, they said. They needed to know the truth. Some of the relatives reminded Trump that Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama blocked them from seeing the files, as did some of the FBI bureaucrats the president so reviled. The visitors didn’t mention that they hoped to use the documents in a current federal lawsuit that accuses the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia — an American ally that has only grown closer under Trump — of complicity in the attacks.

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The president promised to help. “It’s done,” he said, reassuring several visitors. Later, the families were told that Trump ordered the attorney general, William P. Barr, to release the name of a Saudi diplomat who was linked to the 9/11 plot in an FBI report years earlier. Justice Department lawyers handed over the Saudi official’s name in a protected court filing that could be read only by lawyers for the plaintiffs. But Barr dashed the families’ hopes. In a statement to the court on Sept. 12, he insisted that other documents that might be relevant to the case had to be protected as state secrets. Their disclosure, he wrote, risked “significant harm to the national security.”



The families were stunned. They knew that the success of their lawsuit might well depend on access to the FBI’s investigation into possible Saudi involvement in the plot by al-Qaida. In a federal courthouse in Manhattan, near where the twin towers once stood, the fight over evidence had already dragged on for more than a year. Now, as the judge prepared to rule on what documents would be disclosed, the Justice Department was digging in.

Daniel Gonzalez wasn’t surprised by the hard line. A former street agent in the FBI’s San Diego field office, he was one of several retired investigators who had signed on to help the families. During the last 15 years of his FBI career, Gonzalez was a central figure in the bureau’s effort to understand Saudi connections to 9/11. But even on the inside, Gonzalez often felt as if his own government wanted no part of what he was finding.

From the day of the attacks, the trail seemed to point to Saudi Arabia. First, there was the inescapable fact that, like Osama bin Laden, 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis. The first two flew in to Los Angeles in January 2000 and quickly made their way to a Saudi mosque. When they moved to San Diego a few weeks later, they turned for help to a middle-aged Saudi student whom the FBI suspected of spying for the kingdom.


But as details of the 9/11 plot came into focus, the FBI line on possible Saudi involvement began to shift: When the evidence was assessed, FBI officials reported, there was no solid proof that the Saudi government or any of its senior officials deliberately aided the Qaida terrorists. Low-level Saudis with government ties might have helped the two hijackers in California, the bureau acknowledged, but there was no indication that they knew the men were terrorists — much less planning to murder thousands of Americans.

Gonzalez knew he hadn’t seen all the evidence; he had just a corner of an investigation that stretched around the world. American intelligence agencies surely had pieces of the Saudi puzzle that even senior FBI officials might not be aware of. But what Gonzalez uncovered was troubling, and he knew that bigger questions about the plot were still unanswered. “My head was already flat from banging it against the wall,” he recalled. “But I thought, We’re not done.”

Gonzalez, a tough, affable Texan, pressed on. With a small group of like-minded investigators in New York and California, he hunted down witnesses who had slipped away and circled back to clues that had been missed. The evidence they developed was nearly all circumstantial. But it added to the questions about the role of the Saudi government.

The FBI has disputed the idea that foreign-policy considerations significantly influenced its investigation. In interviews, current and former bureau officials and federal prosecutors insisted to us that they never would have hesitated to pursue any Saudi who could have been solidly linked to the 9/11 plot, even if that person never faced trial in the United States. (Saudi Arabia does not extradite its citizens.) “I have never been privy to discussions about not charging someone for 9/11 because we need to maintain a better relationship with the Saudis,” Jacqueline Maguire, a special agent in charge in New York who was closely involved in the case from the beginning, told us. “I have never heard charges be questioned for that reason.”

But others who worked on the matter, including some at the FBI’s highest levels, say that the United States’ complex and often-troubled relationship with the Saudi regime was an unavoidable fact throughout their investigations. Even as the Saudi authorities became more cooperative with the United States in fighting al-Qaida after 2003, they were minimally and grudgingly helpful when it came to the 9/11 inquiry. According to current and former officials, requests for assistance that might rattle the Saudi security agencies were frequently balanced against FBI and CIA needs for Saudi help against continuing terror threats.

How such considerations might also weigh against the appeals of the 9/11 families for a fuller record of what happened remains an open question. If anything, the transactional nature of America’s relationship with the Saudi kingdom has become more overt. In December, following the terrorist shooting by a Saudi Air Force officer that killed three Americans and wounded eight others on a Florida naval base, Trump tweeted what he said were assurances from King Salman that “this person in no way shape or form represents the feelings of the Saudi people.” Earlier last year, addressing the Saudi government’s murder of a Saudi columnist for The Washington Post, Jamal Khashoggi, Trump argued that such offenses should be seen in a broader context. “I’m not like a fool that says, ‘We don’t want to do business with them,’” he told NBC News.

Washington’s efforts to keep secrets about possible Saudi connections to 9/11 have also intensified. Former FBI agents who have made court statements in support of the 9/11 families have been warned by the bureau that they risk violating secrecy laws. Kenneth Williams — a retired agent who wrote a prescient memo before 9/11 about radical Arab students taking flying lessons in possible preparation for hijackings — said in a sworn declaration for the plaintiffs that an FBI lawyer told him that the Trump administration did not want him to help them because it could imperil “good relations with Saudi Arabia.” (The FBI declined to comment.)

The full story of the FBI’s investigation into Saudi links to the 9/11 attacks has remained largely untold. Even the code name of the case — Operation Encore — has never been published before. This account is based on interviews with more than 50 current and former investigators, intelligence officials and witnesses in the case. It also draws on some previously secret documents as well as on the voluminous public files of the bipartisan 9/11 Commission.

The Encore investigation exposed a bitter rift within the bureau over the Saudi connection. It illuminated a series of missed opportunities to resolve questions about links between one of Washington’s closest allies and the deadliest attack in the nation’s history. Richard Lambert, who led the FBI’s initial 9/11 investigation in San Diego, as the assistant special agent in charge there, says he believes that even if the FBI’s evidence of possible Saudi involvement in the case is not conclusive, it is significant enough that it should be fully disclosed. “The circumstantial evidence has mounted,” he says. “Given the lapse of time, I don’t know any reason why the truth should be kept from the American people.”

Images of the World Trade Center’s collapse were still looping on television sets in the FBI’s San Diego field office when a lead came in from Dulles International Airport, outside Washington. A blue 1988 Toyota Corolla had been found in a parking lot; it was registered to one of the suspected hijackers of American Airlines Flight 77, which took off for Los Angeles the previous morning before crashing into the Pentagon, killing 64 people on board and 125 inside the building. The hijacker, Nawaf al-Hazmi, listed a San Diego address.

Gonzalez caught the lead. At 42, he had been in the office for a decade, building a reputation as a shrewd, instinctive agent with a gift for getting people to talk. He had worked very effectively against Mexican drug traffickers and corrupt border-control agents, and he pivoted easily to the new target. “He was a phenomenal agent,” Lambert says, “what you would want to see if an agent knocked on your door. He just kept going and going.”

The address from Dulles led Gonzalez to a plain, white, two-story house in the working-class suburb of Lemon Grove. The listed owner was a 65-year-old Indian immigrant, Abdussattar Shaikh, who had taught English as a second language at local community colleges and helped establish the Islamic Center of San Diego, the city’s largest mosque. Gonzalez hurried back to prepare a search warrant at the FBI office, where snipers had taken up positions on the roof. “It was chaos,” recalls William D. Gore, who was then the special agent in charge in San Diego. “Nobody knew where the next attack would be.”

When Gonzalez returned to the Lemon Grove house the next day, a small army was mustering: an evidence-collection team, computer experts and a SWAT team with protective gear and a battering ram. Before they could get to the door, however, the professor politely opened it for them. It would be more than a week before anyone told Gonzalez that Dr. Shaikh, as he liked to be called, was in fact a long-time informant for the FBI field office.

Shaikh’s FBI handler would later acknowledge to Justice Department investigators that the professor had mentioned the two hijackers to him — but only by their first names, noting casually that they were the latest in a line of young Muslim men who rented his spare bedroom. Even had the agent dug further, he might not have discovered that Shaikh’s boarders, Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi, were known Qaida operatives whose names were in the databases of both the CIA and the National Security Agency. While CIA officials placed the two men under surveillance in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in early January 2000 and learned that at least one of them later flew to Los Angeles, the agency did not alert the FBI to their presence until August 2001, a few weeks before the attacks.

As the raid proceeded, Gonzalez escorted one of Shaikh’s new boarders outside. The young man got to know Hazmi a bit at a Texaco gas station where Hazmi briefly worked washing cars. But the guy whom Gonzalez should try to find, the boarder said, was another young immigrant who was especially close to the two Saudi men. His name was Mohdar Abdullah.

Gonzalez set up 24-hour surveillance on the Texaco station and began searching for Abdullah. The next day, as Abdullah drove into a student parking lot at San Diego State University, Gonzalez pulled up alongside him and identified himself as FBI. “What took you so long?” Abdullah asked. “I thought you’d be all over me sooner.”

Gonzalez and another agent invited Abdullah for breakfast at a Denny’s just east of the campus. The diner was one of the spots that Abdullah liked to go to with the two hijackers. Just up the hill, on Saranac Street, was the two-bedroom apartment they rented, where they often whiled away their days with Abdullah and a rotating crew of young Muslim men. Nearby was a small mosque where the three men worshipped under the guidance of Anwar al-­Awlaki, the Yemeni-American imam who would emerge as an important Qaida leader before being killed in Yemen by a United States drone strike in 2011.

Over the next three days, Abdullah, then 22, sketched a picture of the hijackers’ California lives — praying daily at the mosque, going for pizza at Little Caesars, playing pickup soccer. Abdullah translated for the two Saudis, drove them on errands and registered them for English classes. He also tried to arrange flying lessons for the pair. At a San Diego airfield in May 2000, they told the instructor they wanted to skip past the single-engine Cessna and learn to fly Boeing jets. He broke off their training after the second lesson and advised them to come back when they could speak better English.

Mihdhar, who was 24, left for Yemen in June 2000 to see his wife and new daughter. Hazmi, 23, talked to Abdullah about finding a wife as well. (Computer searches suggest that he was seeking a young Mexican woman who would convert to Islam.) Although the Saudis were discreet with strangers, they clearly had strong views about United States support for what they saw as corrupt puppet regimes around the Arab world and Israel’s oppression of the Palestinians. Mihdhar also admitted to Abdullah that he had been involved with a Qaida-linked group in Yemen. But they seemed to understand little about American life and didn’t have much desire to learn.

Abdullah later said he was introduced to Mihdhar and Hazmi by Omar al-Bayoumi, a well-connected Saudi whom Abdullah knew from local mosques. Bayoumi pulled him aside, Abdullah said, and asked him to help the two newcomers settle into their lives in Southern California.

After a couple of long interviews, Gonzalez was sure that Abdullah was telling the FBI less than he knew. He was a bright, garrulous guy and had made his way quickly since coming to the United States in 1998. He seemed to appreciate the opportunities he had found, but he also struck Gonzalez as a hustler. He insisted that he was horrified by what the hijackers had done and that he had no idea they could have been involved in anything so heinous. But he also seemed to have been sympathetic to the Saudis’ ideology, Gonzalez thought, perhaps even their defense of Muslims’ duty to carry out jihad.

Gonzalez could understand such conflicted feelings; he had seen that with informants before. But he was skeptical that a busy student like Abdullah would have done so much to help the visitors out of mere brotherly feeling. The agents also learned that Abdullah lied on his United States visa application, claiming to be a war refugee from Somalia when he was in fact an Italian-born Yemeni who came into the United States from Canada.

When Gonzalez told Abdullah he would need to take a polygraph, a fairly standard practice with important but unreliable witnesses, he initially agreed but later changed his mind. Gonzalez tried to hold off his bosses while he urged Abdullah to reconsider. By then, however, even the special agent in charge in San Diego was no longer calling the shots. “It was not a local decision,” Gore recalled. “Those were made in Washington and New York.”

On Sept. 21, another SWAT team descended on Abdullah outside a big-box electronics store, handcuffing him at gunpoint in the parking lot. Gonzalez thought it was overkill. “I had been building something with Mohdar, working him,” he recalled. “But headquarters says: ‘You’ve got a guy who hung out with the hijackers. What if he blows someone up?’”

Within days, Abdullah was gone, flown to New York for questioning by a federal grand jury. He was never charged in connection with the attacks, but he was indicted on a charge of immigration fraud and moved to a federal lockup. Gonzalez approached him again over the next two years but got nothing more after a public defender advised Abdullah against further cooperation with the FBI. The relationship was over.

Even before Gonzalez found Abdullah, agents began searching for Bayoumi, the hijackers’ mysterious Saudi friend. His name turned up repeatedly — on bank documents and as the co-signer on their initial San Diego lease at the Parkwood Apartments where Bayoumi also lived. Bayoumi, 43, was already known to the FBI. An employee at his previous residence had contacted the field office to report some strange goings-on: large gatherings of young Arab men; a package that came from Saudi Arabia that had wires sticking out of it and no customs papers; some suspicious wiring that a maintenance man found under Bayoumi’s bathroom sink. In September 1998, the FBI opened a preliminary counterterrorism investigation.

Little about Bayoumi added up. Although he identified himself as a graduate student in business, he rarely went to class. He drew a monthly stipend from a Saudi contracting company, but the firm was a conduit for money coming from the Saudi Defense Ministry, where Bayoumi had worked in civil aviation. At local mosques, he was known as a glad-hander who often pulled out a video camera to record gatherings. Agents learned that many worshippers suspected he was a Saudi spy.

FBI officials eventually came to share that view. “Our best assessment of him in San Diego was that he was a spy for the Saudis,” says Gore, who headed the office. But the bureau closed its preliminary inquiry in June 1999 without questioning Bayoumi. Even if he was doing intelligence work without the official cover of a diplomatic post, former FBI officials say, he would probably not have been charged with any crime because he would have been spying for an allied government. Investigators also worried that a more aggressive pursuit of Bayoumi might tip off local men he knew who were suspects in another FBI counterterrorism investigation.

By the time the FBI began searching for Bayoumi again, right after 9/11, he had decamped to Birmingham, England, with his wife and children. At the FBI’s request, he was detained by agents of New Scotland Yard on Sept. 21, 2001. Although he was ostensibly studying for a doctorate in business ethics, his main job seemed to be running a Saudi student association. The kingdom’s security services often use such groups to monitor students for dissident activity.

FBI agents flew to Britain in the hope that they would be able to interview Bayoumi. If they gathered sufficient evidence, they thought, they might even be able to bring him back to the United States. Because of British police protocols, the FBI agents were not allowed to speak with Bayoumi directly but instead had to forward their questions to the British detectives. Bayoumi was hardly a forthcoming witness. He claimed to have met the two hijackers by chance, after hearing them speaking gulf-accented Arabic in a small halal cafe in Culver City, California. When Mihdhar and Hazmi told him they didn’t like Los Angeles, Bayoumi said that he suggested San Diego. When they turned up a few days later, he claimed, he showed them the hospitality he would have accorded any Saudi brother.

Such a casual acquaintance seemed at odds with the efforts Bayoumi made to help the two strangers. And given that Bayoumi claimed to be a mere graduate student, former FBI officials told us that they were struck by what they say was pressure on British officials for his release by the Saudi Embassy in London. After a week — and before FBI officials had a chance to fully review the documents and videotapes seized in a search of Bayoumi’s home — he was freed. He was not asked whether he had a relationship with Saudi intelligence.

After returning to Saudi Arabia the next year, Bayoumi was employed by the government in civil aviation again. In late 2002, a pro-government Saudi newspaper reported that the FBI and Scotland Yard had cleared Bayoumi “of all wrongdoing.” But United States authorities had already revoked his visa on the grounds of “quasi-terrorist activities.”

In San Diego, Gonzalez continued to sift through the circle of people who had known Hazmi and Mihdhar. It became clear that Bayoumi spent a good deal of time with the two hijackers, and that he received a significant increase in his government stipend around the time that he met them. (There was never any proof, however, that he helped them financially.)

In fleshing out details of the hijackers’ lives, Gonzalez found that they seemed to have money but lived frugally, moving out of the Parkwood rental for the less-expensive room in Lemon Grove. They also seemed to have been careful in their communications, generally using pay phones, for which FBI investigators were ultimately unable to recover call records.

In the spring of 2000, Abdullah and others told the FBI that the two Saudis became interested in a couple of American Muslim converts who were stationed in San Diego with the United States Navy. Mihdhar and Hazmi reportedly quizzed the sailors about their life on a Navy destroyer, the USS John Paul Jones, and whether the ship’s guns were loaded when they docked in port. Around the same time, another Qaida operative linked to the two Saudis was helping to organize a suicide attack that would kill 17 sailors aboard the John Paul Jones’ sister ship, the USS Cole, in a Yemeni port in October 2000.

Throughout this time, Hazmi and Mihdhar were living in plain sight. They used their real names on their bank account, on their vehicle registration and on the California driver’s licenses they obtained. Hazmi was even listed in the San Diego telephone book. None of this prompted CIA officials to inform the FBI of their presence in the United States.

The FBI’s 9/11 investigation, which was given the ungainly name Penttbom (a reference to the Pentagon and the twin towers), eventually compiled a detailed chronology of all 19 hijackers’ movements, financial transactions and other activities. But the agents were frustrated by one gaping hole in the timeline: They could not account for the first two weeks after Hazmi and Mihdhar landed at Los Angeles International Airport on Jan. 15, 2000.

Their arrival was the first major step in bin Laden’s plot to attack the United States, and it was a risky one. Both young men had trained and fought as jihadists in Bosnia and Afghanistan. They were known to the NSA and the CIA, as well as to Saudi intelligence, which passed some background information about them on to the Americans. Even so, they flew to the United States under their real names, passing through immigration with the tourist visas stamped in their Saudi passports.

The mastermind of the 9/11 attacks, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, would later claim to CIA interrogators that he sent the two men to Los Angeles without any contacts at all — an assertion that both the 9/11 Commission and Danny Gonzalez found improbable. Neither Saudi spoke English. What little they knew about life in the West came mostly from a crash course in Pakistan, in which Mohammed tried to teach them to read airline timetables and telephone books and showed old Hollywood movies with hijacking scenes. Documents from the investigation show that even Mohammed doubted they could get the job done.

But, after gathering their duffel bags and clearing customs at LAX, Mihdhar and Hazmi managed to disappear. If closed-circuit cameras followed them through the airport’s international terminal, or if anyone came to meet them, no recording has ever surfaced publicly, and FBI agents on the case said they did not see one. When FBI agents canvassed dozens of hotels around Los Angeles, they found no evidence that the Saudis stayed at any of them during those first two weeks. In its detailed report on the plot, the 9/11 Commission wrote simply, “We do not know where they went.”

On orders from the FBI’s new director, Robert S. Mueller III, Penttbom set up its command center in a poorly lit room in the basement of the J. Edgar Hoover Building in Washington, where the FBI is headquartered. Various teams — including one for each hijacked flight — coordinated the work of agents around the country. It was an unusual arrangement, one that limited the autonomy of the field offices to run their own cases. Counterterrorism agents often complained before 9/11 that headquarters tightly managed the flow of intelligence information, sometimes to the detriment of investigations. Now, in the biggest case the FBI had ever undertaken, that kind of control became standard practice.

In the months after the attacks, the harried Penttbom teams logged more than 250,000 leads, most of them insignificant. But a number of clues suggested Saudi involvement: A Saudi engineering student was among the Arizona extremists reported by Williams before the attacks; in March 2002, the student was captured with Qaida bomb makers in Pakistan. Two other Saudis associated with the Arizona group were briefly detained in 1999, after one of them tried to enter the cockpit during a flight from Phoenix to Washington for an event at the Saudi Embassy. Airline officials eventually apologized to the men, but some investigators later came to suspect that they had carried out a dry run for the 9/11 hijacking plot. A Saudi woman in San Diego, a close friend of Bayoumi’s wife, received about $70,000 in payments from the wife of Prince Bandar, then the powerful Saudi ambassador to the United States. Although initially intrigued, Washington investigators eventually concluded that the vastly wealthy Bandars often gave money to Saudi expatriates.

But even as the flurry of Saudi-related clues continued, Gonzalez and other agents began to note some skepticism within the FBI hierarchy about the idea that the Saudis were linked to the case. In September 2002, Lambert, the counterterrorism chief in San Diego, was asked to help prepare Mueller’s testimony to a joint inquiry of the House and Senate Intelligence Committees that had been established to investigate intelligence failures leading up to the attacks. Mueller’s deputy, Bruce Gebhardt, explained how Lambert was to describe the Saudi role. “The bureau’s position is that there was no complicity” in the plot, Lambert recalls Gebhardt telling him. (Gebhardt says he does not remember the exchange.)

Lambert was struck by the decisive conclusion being drawn on a question he thought was far from settled. But he realized no one wanted his opinion. “I had my marching orders,” says Lambert, who is now consulting for the lawyers to the Sept. 11 families. “It was very apparent to me that that was a decision that was made at a very high level, and that’s what I wrote to.”

Parts of Mueller’s testimony on Sept. 26, 2002, remain secret, and there is no indication in the public record that he exonerated any Saudis suspected of involvement in the plot. Still, he played down the idea that the hijackers had any established support network in the United States or should have drawn FBI scrutiny. “While here, the hijackers effectively operated without suspicion, triggering nothing that alerted law enforcement,” he said.

After the Sept. 11 attacks, American intelligence agencies began to focus more deeply on the Saudi kingdom’s vast effort to spread its ultraconservative Wahhabist brand of Islam that helped radicalize thousands of young jihadis at schools in Pakistan and elsewhere. Generously funded by the Saudi royals to placate their restive clerical establishment, the campaign to spread Wahhabism extended to Europe, Africa and Australia, with a large outpost in the Washington suburbs and the gleaming King Fahad Mosque in Culver City.

Not long after 9/11, the FBI formed two new investigative teams that combined counterterrorism and counterintelligence agents to identify Saudi religious extremists and spies in the country’s diplomatic and cultural apparatus. The Bush administration later forced out dozens of Saudi diplomatic personnel in 2003 and 2004, officials say. The FBI teams also helped illuminate a shadowy network of Saudi “propagators” who moved around the United States, often with diplomatic status, spreading Wahhabist doctrine, networking in Muslim communities, doling out money to mosques and gathering intelligence.

In Los Angeles, one of those Saudi proselytizers came to the FBI’s attention soon after 9/11. A young Muslim convert reported driving Bayoumi from San Diego to Los Angeles on the day of his supposed chance meeting with the two hijackers. Beforehand, the convert told agents, Bayoumi stopped at the Saudi consulate to meet with a bearded man who worked there; later they stopped to pray at the King Fahad Mosque.

FBI investigators suspected that the bearded consular official might be a 32-year-old diplomat named Fahad al-Thumairy, who also served as an imam at the mosque. In August 2002, the bureau quietly sought the State Department’s approval to investigate him for extremist ties. By the time he returned to Los Angeles in May 2003 after an extended trip abroad, the State Department had withdrawn his diplomatic visa on the grounds that he might be connected to terrorist activity. Detained for two days at the airport, Thumairy was questioned only briefly before being deported to Saudi Arabia. Although agents on the Penttbom team at headquarters were apprised of the questioning, Gonzalez and other agents working the Bayoumi file locally learned about it only after Thumairy’s repatriation.

The bureau got another shot at both Bayoumi and Thumairy in Saudi Arabia, in the company of civilian investigators from the 9/11 Commission, who were preparing their report on the attacks. Those interviews, in 2003 and 2004, to which the Saudi authorities agreed only after a campaign of high-level Bush administration lobbying, were coordinated by the Saudi secret police, who also insisted on having officers at the table.

Some of the American investigators doubted Bayoumi’s testimony: He insisted that he had met Hazmi and Mihdhar only by chance, had no idea they were militants and he was just being hospitable in helping them. He denied having tasked Mohdar Abdullah to help them and generally made the case that he was a good-natured, pro-Western Muslim.

Thumairy struck his interviewers as brazenly deceitful. He insisted that he didn’t know Bayoumi even after he was told that the FBI had telephone records showing calls between them and interviews of witnesses who had seen them together. Thumairy also said that he had never met the two hijackers.

Still, both the FBI and the 9/11 Commission gave the Saudis something of a pass. To present its conclusions on the plot at a final hearing of the commission in 2004, the FBI chose its most senior counterterrorism official, John S. Pistole, along with Jacqueline Maguire, who had been selected to coordinate the Flight 77 team in 2001, little more than a year after graduating from the academy. “We have not developed any information that the hijackers had been introduced to Thumairy in that January 2000 time frame,” she testified, “nor do we have any direct connection between them and the King Fahad Mosque in that same time frame.” As for Bayoumi’s help to the hijackers, Maguire told the commissioners that it appeared to have been unwitting. The available evidence, she said, suggested their fateful meeting “was a random encounter.”

Gonzalez and other agents were stunned. If the evidence on Bayoumi and Thumairy was so clearly contradictory and incomplete, the agents wondered, why had it been distilled into a virtual exoneration? Was there secret information they didn’t have?

The agents assumed that Maguire’s testimony had been vetted by the FBI leadership. But even some senior officials doubted Bayoumi’s story of an accidental meeting. Joseph Foelsch, a former supervisor of the Penttbom team, says he suspected that Bayoumi might have been trying to gather intelligence on the two Saudis. “I think he lied,” says Foelsch, who is now retired from the bureau. “I think he was trying to monitor them as part of his routine work for his government.”

There were also sharp internal differences over what to do about Abdullah, who had been jailed for two years on immigration charges. Gonzalez and other agents were convinced there was more to learn from him and that the threat of his deportation home could be critical leverage in questioning him again. They also thought he could still face criminal charges as someone who might have had advance knowledge of the Sept. 11 attacks.

In the spring of 2004, new evidence began to emerge that reinforced that suspicion. In early May, FBI officials interviewed a Belizean who had been held with Abdullah. He said that Abdullah told him, while they were locked up together, that he knew in advance about the 9/11 attacks. The Belizean passed a polygraph examination. On May 18, FBI agents interviewed a second jailhouse informant, who offered a similar story about Abdullah.

Investigators on the staff of the 9/11 Commission, having become aware of Abdullah’s importance to the FBI case, also began pushing to interview him. But Justice Department officials refused to delay the deportation. If they failed to bring criminal charges against Abdullah, the lawyers contended, he could end up “walking the streets,” as one put it. He was deported to Yemen on May 21. Weeks later, in public testimony to the 9/11 Commission, Pistole testified that whatever Abdullah knew had been “exploited to the fullest amount it could be done here.”

Gonzalez was furious. Was there any more important witness the FBI had? The commission investigators were similarly confounded. “We were told, ‘Oh, sorry, he’s gone,’” one of them recalled. “‘It’s the normal bureaucracy at work.’”

The conclusions of the 9/11 Commission, issued publicly in late July 2004, marked a subtle turn in the FBI’s own investigation. While the panel questioned Khalid Shaikh Mohammed’s claim that al-Qaida hadn’t had any kind of support network in Southern California, it refuted the notion that Saudi officials assisted the operation. The commission noted that while Thumairy had been described as a religious extremist, its investigators had “not found evidence” that he ever helped the hijackers. The report was even more exculpatory of Bayoumi, calling him a devout and “gregarious” man and “an unlikely candidate for clandestine involvement with Islamist extremists.”

The next year, the FBI and CIA issued a joint secret report on many of the same issues. According to a declassified one-page summary, the report concluded that Qaida associates and sympathizers had “infiltrated and exploited” the Saudi government. But like the commission, the agencies exonerated Bayoumi and concluded that the kingdom did not knowingly support the attacks. To this day, the Saudi government brandishes the two reports in its defense. “Saudi Arabia is and has always been a close and critical ally of the U.S. in the fight against terrorism,” says Fahad Nazer, a spokesman for the Saudi Embassy in Washington. “Any suggestion that Saudi Arabia aided the 9/11 plot was rejected by the 9/11 Commission in 2004, by the FBI and CIA in 2005, and by a second independent commission in 2015.”

At FBI headquarters, the Penttbom team pivoted to the trial of Zacarias Moussaoui, the French militant who was sentenced to life in prison in 2006 for conspiring in the 9/11 attacks. Although prosecutors laid out considerable evidence that the FBI had gathered on the larger plot, FBI agents generally found the outcome unsatisfying: Moussaoui was an erratic, possibly schizophrenic operative, who was marginalized by Qaida plotters even before his arrest in Minnesota in August 2001. He remains, however, the only person tried in federal court in connection with the attacks.

With help from one of his supervisors, Gonzalez set up a working group with agents in Los Angeles to continue pursuing their part of the inquiry. “Three thousand people were murdered,” he recalled thinking. “You’ve got to go out and work the street. Develop informants. One source leads to another.”

Among the potential sources, Abdullah still seemed one of the most important. Gonzalez hadn’t heard anything of him since his deportation to Yemen in 2004. But in 2006, Canadian officials reported to the FBI and the CIA that Abdullah had applied to immigrate to Canada. Working with a Canadian intelligence officer, Gonzalez arranged to lure Abdullah to Jordan — a safer location to meet than Yemen — with an offer of a free plane ticket and a meeting to review his visa application. Still seething about his treatment in the United States, Abdullah initially refused to speak to Gonzalez. Finally, the Canadian persuaded him to sit down with the agent — for at least two minutes. The operation that ensued has not been previously reported.

As Gonzalez flew to the Jordanian capital of Amman in October 2006, he pondered how to use his allotted time. What did Abdullah want? Where was he vulnerable? What might entice him to finally open up about Mihdhar and Hazmi?

Even before Abdullah’s deportation, Gonzalez gathered information that seemed to support the prison informants’ claims that Abdullah had some forewarning of 9/11. One of Abdullah’s roommates at the Saranac Street apartment told the FBI that he seemed distraught in the weeks before the attacks. He abruptly stopped talking on the telephone. Then, he suddenly decided to marry a 16-year-old Puerto Rican girl he barely knew — a step he told friends he thought would bring him automatic United States citizenship.

This was perhaps another node of vulnerability, Gonzalez thought. The girl, a recent convert to Islam, agreed to Abdullah’s proposal. They were married hurriedly on the night of Sept. 10, 2001, in a Muslim ceremony performed under a tree in the Denny’s parking lot. From witnesses’ descriptions, Gonzalez believed the wedding was performed by Anwar al-Awlaki, who had moved to Virginia but was back in San Diego on a visit. Abdullah told us that Awlaki, whom he knew from Yemen, did not officiate.

Gonzalez knew that Abdullah and his bride “consummated the marriage,” as he put it. The union began to disintegrate even before Abdullah’s arrest 11 days later, but it gave Gonzalez an idea. He arranged for a graphics editor to dummy up a photograph of a 5-year-old child who looked like a combination of Abdullah and his former bride.

Gonzalez finally met Abdullah again in a hotel restaurant in Amman that had been seeded with FBI and CIA personnel and Jordanian intelligence officers. Abdullah greeted him with a scowl, his arms folded over his chest. When Gonzalez handed over the doctored photograph, Abdullah’s demeanor changed instantly.

“I knew I had a kid!” he said excitedly.

Gonzalez was not troubled by the ruse, which had been approved by his supervisors to win over a crucial source. Over the next three days, he, Abdullah and the Canadian officer traveled around Jordan seeing the sights, sharing meals and talking about San Diego and the hijackers. Abdullah “started giving up nuggets,” Gonzalez said.

Abdullah spoke in much more detail about the hijackers, including a car trip they took to Los Angeles in June 2000 to drop Mihdhar at the airport before he flew back to Yemen to see his wife and daughter. They went to the King Fahad Mosque for the evening prayer and met an imam — Thumairy — who also met privately that evening with the hijackers. Hazmi and Mihdhar also talked with two other young men, at the mosque and at dinner, whom they seemed to know, Abdullah said. He didn’t recall their names but described one as a Yemeni college student, the other as an Eritrean with kinky hair.

It wasn’t much to go on, but FBI agents in Los Angeles identified the two young men Abdullah described. Officials said the Yemeni was a friend of Thumairy’s who supplied the Saudi Consulate with computers through a job he had at an electronics store. The Eritrean was a close friend of the Yemeni’s and a frequent visitor to the mosque. (The two men asked not to be identified out of concern for their safety and that of their families.)

FBI agents found the Yemeni, who had settled in California and hoped to raise a family, to be a willing and truthful witness. He had seen Thumairy with the hijackers on several occasions, he told them, starting in January 2000. Thumairy had also asked the Eritrean to help take care of the Saudis, calling them “very significant” visitors, people familiar with the Yemeni’s account said.

According to the Yemeni, his friend invited the two young Saudis to stay at the apartment of his sister, who lived in his building near the mosque. The sister and her husband were apparently out of town, and the Eritrean did not want two male guests in the home where he lived with his family. According to people briefed on his account, the Yemeni said that Mihdhar and Hazmi stayed in the apartment during part of the approximately two weeks they were in Los Angeles.

When agents went to interview the Eritrean in 2007, he seemed shocked that they found him. He was by then working at a good job for a big company, hoping to keep his former contacts with the hijackers in the distant past. His account differed significantly from that of his friend: the Eritrean said that the imam, Thumairy, did not ask him to take care of Mihdhar and Hazmi; rather, he introduced the two Saudis to the imam outside the mosque. The Eritrean admitted to having helped the newcomers get acclimated, steering them to nearby motels and driving them to buy groceries, according to people familiar with his account. He said the Saudis stayed at his sister’s apartment only briefly but were there on Feb. 1, the day they met Bayoumi. In later interviews, he changed that account, saying he put up Hazmi for only one night, later in the summer of 2000.

When we found him at his home, the Eritrean referred us to his lawyer. In written answers to questions he later provided, he again played down his encounters with Hazmi and Mihdhar. “It just so happened that I was the first one leaving the mosque that day and these guys started a conversation with me,” he wrote. “I tried to give them very basic help as young people new to this country, and that was it. Looking back I wish I’d never met them, but at the time I had no idea who they were or what they were about to do.”

FBI investigators considered the Yemeni’s account to be more credible. It explained why the FBI was not able to find any sign of the hijackers at Los Angeles hotels. When we recently met the Yemeni in a Western city where he works as a security guard, he would not discuss the hijackers or his statements to the FBI, referring us to his lawyer, who declined to comment.

In one of several statements made in support of the 9/11 families in their suit, a former assistant special agent in charge in Los Angeles, Steven K. Moore, wrote that the FBI found that “Thumairy was the primary point of contact for Hazmi and Mihdhar in Los Angeles.” Moore, who oversaw the early months of the 9/11 inquiry in the Los Angeles office, added that “Thumairy was aware in advance of their arrival and, through the King Fahad Mosque, had already provided a place for them to stay in Los Angeles.”

Other current and former agents said Moore’s assertions overstate the evidence. Investigators never developed conclusive proof that Thumairy knew about the hijackers before their arrival or that he arranged for their lodging in advance, they say. The agents also noted that Mohammed, the mastermind of the plot, told interrogators that he had advised Hazmi and Mihdhar to seek help from local Muslims in California because they were so ill prepared to fend for themselves. (Moore did not respond to requests for comment.)

While the breakthrough might have been a turning point in the investigation, it also coincided with new challenges for Gonzalez. He clashed with a senior agent in Los Angeles who insisted that only he and his agents could interview the new witnesses there. Later on, Gonzalez said, supervisors in the Los Angeles field office refused to waive standard protocols so that he might interview witnesses on their turf, even ones that he had developed, insisting that he forward his queries to them instead.

While the agents squabbled, officials said no one from the FBI interviewed one of the potentially more important sources in the case: the Eritrean’s sister and brother-in-law. The brother-in-law might have been an especially helpful witness, because he was a longtime employee of the United States Postal Service and presumably likely to be cooperative with another federal agency.

On a recent weekday morning, he was sitting in a plastic chair in the carport of his small suburban home. Dressed in a summer-weight caftan, he seemed at his leisure. When we asked whether two Saudi men who were later involved in the 9/11 attacks stayed at his former apartment, he paused for a moment. But he did not seem confused by the question.

“I was not there then,” he said. “I do not know what happened when I was not there.”

What about his wife? Was she home at the time?

“She was also gone,” he said.

Asked if he had been questioned about the episode by the FBI, he said he had not. He then became angry, refused to discuss the matter further and shooed us away.

After a few intense years as a cog in a vast FBI machine, Gonzalez found himself working almost on his own, seemingly forgotten by headquarters. Officially, he was working on what was considered a “subfile” investigation, a follow-on to Penttbom. But while the case wasn’t closed, his colleagues were increasingly busy with other cases and some of his supervisors were seemingly tired of his obsession.

In 2007, however, Gonzalez found an energetic new collaborator in Tommy Smith, a hard-charging New York police detective who had joined the NYPD contingent that worked alongside FBI agents on the city’s Joint Terrorism Task Force office. Smith began systematically reviewing some old evidence, including California telephone records that received cursory attention the first time around. Working with FBI intelligence analysts, Smith began to see new patterns. Although the analysis remains secret, current and former officials who have reviewed it say that it illuminated the relationships among some important subjects of the investigation and revealed some previously unidentified contacts among the hijackers and their associates.

The investigators knew, for example, that there had been numerous phone calls between the imam Thumairy and the suspected spy Bayoumi. But the new analysis pointed to a web of calls, meetings and travel that began in December 1999, less than a month before the hijackers’ arrival. Those communications involved Thumairy and Bayoumi, as well as a visiting Saudi government religious official who had hurriedly obtained a visa and then spent time in California with Bayoumi in the weeks before the hijackers flew to Los Angeles. Another figure in the web was the Yemeni-American cleric Awlaki, whom some agents suspected of acting as a spiritual adviser to the hijackers and helping them with logistics. The evidence was circumstantial, but the agents wondered: Did it point to a support network mobilizing for the hijackers’ arrival in California?

It was already known, for instance, that Bayoumi and Awlaki exchanged four calls around the time of the hijackers’ arrival in San Diego on Feb. 4, 2000. Some investigators speculated that Mihdhar and Hazmi might have used Bayoumi’s phone to call Awlaki. But further evidence showed that Bayoumi had probably called Awlaki just after emerging from the bank branch where he set up their account and helped them sign up for a credit card. Had he called Awlaki to let him know that their logistical needs were being taken care of?

Awlaki, polished and sober in his trademark wire-rimmed spectacles, was a go-to interview subject for mainstream outlets like PBS, a measured, moderate voice for Muslims in the aftermath of the attack. While a couple of San Diego witnesses told the FBI that Awlaki seemed to have a relationship with the two hijackers, he brushed it off, saying he barely noticed the Saudis.

Now, however, witnesses and telephone records pointed to a stronger connection. It was Bayoumi who introduced Awlaki to the hijackers, witnesses said. Awlaki also spent considerable time with the hijackers at the Saranac Street apartment and in his study at the mosque, Abdullah and others reported. It now seemed more significant that Awlaki reconnected with Hazmi in 2001 in the Washington suburb of Falls Church, Virginia, where Awlaki had taken over a larger mosque.

The joint efforts of the San Diego and New York agents grew into a more formal inquiry of the Saudi connection, which in 2007 was code-named Operation Encore, according to former senior counterterrorism officials. By comparison to Penttbom, the effort was minuscule, and the agents knew that the case was growing colder. Still, they continued to find surprises.

As the operation gathered momentum, Gonzalez got word that some crates full of Penttbom evidence in Washington were to be moved to long-term storage or destroyed. Tommy Smith, the NYPD detective, happened to be in the capital on another case, and Gonzalez implored him to go take a look. He soon got a call back. “You won’t believe what we’ve got,” Smith told him.

In a trove of seemingly disorganized evidence taken from Bayoumi’s home in Birmingham, England, in 2001, the detective found a spiral notebook that contained a hand-drawn aviation diagram of a plane descending to strike a spot on the ground. An FBI agent who had studied aeronautical engineering concluded that the diagram showed a formula for an aerial descent like the one performed by Flight 77, the jet that Hazmi and Mihdhar hijacked, before it struck the Pentagon. Apparently, the notebook and its contents went unnoticed after Bayoumi’s detention and hadn’t been looked at again.

The significance of the drawing — like much of the evidence in the case — would be debated within the FBI. To Gonzalez and the other Encore agents, it suggested that Bayoumi might have known about or even possibly been involved in operational details of the plot. Other agents thought that such a conclusion was far-fetched and that the significance of the document was unclear. But Foelsch, the former Penttbom supervisor, said he thought that the FBI’s reaction might have been more aggressive had the diagram been discovered in the fall of 2001. “That would have been harder evidence,” he told us. “If not a smoking gun, a warm gun.”

As the Encore investigation continued, officials at FBI headquarters seemed increasingly skeptical. The team reported its progress in a series of memos summarizing the evidence it had developed. But the investigators’ conclusions were challenged regularly. In early 2010, headquarters officials objected to a draft update that an Encore analyst wrote. New York members of the team were called to the capital for another briefing, this time for the bureau’s most senior counterterrorism official, Arthur M. Cummings.

An imposing former member of the Navy SEALs, Cummings had been a mainstay of the Counterterrorism Division since 9/11, rising through the ranks and outworking most of those around him. As he listened to the Encore presentation, Maguire, the former Penttbom case agent for Flight 77, sat nearby. According to current and former officials familiar with the incident, Cummings finally said he’d heard enough. He recognized that the team had worked hard on the case, but what they had found on Bayoumi and Thumairy just wasn’t enough.

Smith was fuming, the officials said. He suggested that Cummings could close down the case if he wanted — he just needed to order that in writing. (Smith did not respond to messages asking for comment.)

Cummings told us that he did not remember details of the meeting but that he did recall his views of the dispute. “Give me something that after eight years shows we really are onto a couple of co-conspirators,” he said. “I don’t want your gut; I don’t want your theories. If you don’t have that, stop wasting my time — I’ve got other terrorists to go after.

“That’s not to say they weren’t involved,” he now says of Bayoumi and Thumairy. “They were in the orbit of the hijackers for sure. But after years of investigation — and the 9/11 investigation dug into everything it could find, with very little in terms of resource constraints — I hadn’t been presented with anything that was definitive at all.”

The frustrations of the case at times seemed less daunting to the Encore investigators than the erosion of support at FBI headquarters. Inevitably, the displeasure of some influential figures in Washington also reverberated among Gonzalez’s politically attuned supervisors. In December 2009, the Obama Justice Department secured indictments in Federal District Court in Manhattan against Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the mastermind of the Sept. 11 attacks, and several other Qaida detainees for their roles. Although the indictments were sealed, their scope was sufficiently known inside the bureau to cast doubt on the significance of targets like Bayoumi and Thumairy.

The Encore team needed to catch a break. Then, in the summer of 2010, current and former officials said, one of the Encore analysts came across some intriguing information in FBI files about two young Saudi religious officials from the kingdom’s Ministry of Islamic Affairs. The two men, who had diplomatic status and ostensibly worked abroad as propagators, or missionaries, for Wahhabi Islam, stayed at the San Diego home of Abdussattar Shaikh before the hijackers moved in as boarders in 2000. According to one FBI document, Bayoumi also “assisted” the two men in some way during their visit.

The propagators, Adel Mohamed al-Sadhan and Mutaeb al-Sudairy, had traveled in the United States, stopping in several places that overlapped with where Hazmi, Mihdhar and other 9/11 hijackers had been. The two officials were found to have ties to suspected militants and had left the United States.

The coincidences didn’t prove anything. But the analyst learned that the two men had recently sought new visas, supposedly to study English at the University of Oklahoma. Based on information from various sources, agents suspected that their studies might be a cover for something more nefarious. This time, FBI leaders took the matter seriously enough to authorize an elaborate operation to put the two Saudis under full-time surveillance after they landed in the United States.

The episode, which has not been previously reported, ended abruptly. In the Saudi capital of Riyadh, CIA officers objected strongly to the FBI plan, one former official said. “They didn’t want to give the Saudis a black eye by letting these guys walk into a trap,” the former official said. For reasons that remain unclear, the two Saudis canceled the visit at the last minute. FBI officials suspected that someone in the Saudi government had been warned.

In April 2011, the attorney general, Eric H. Holder Jr., announced that there would be no federal court trials for the 9/11 defendants after all. Bowing to pressure from congressional Republicans, he said the suspects would instead be tried before military commissions at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, that Obama had hoped to abandon. The following year, Encore agents began meeting with federal prosecutors in New York to discuss the possible indictment of suspects in their case.

A partly declassified summary of the Encore case, written in 2012 by New York investigators, cites “evidence” that a Saudi official whose name is redacted “tasked al-Thumairy and al-Bayoumi with assisting the hijackers.” According to several people familiar with the document, it refers to a Saudi religious official with diplomatic status who served in the United States. But the FBI recently discounted the idea that the Saudi was a central figure in a support network.

That year, the arrival on the Encore team of another veteran New York detective, Efrain Vazquez, gave Gonzalez a shot of energy. It didn’t last long. The two investigators tried again to recruit Abdullah, who had moved to Sweden, as a cooperating witness, but he refused.

Reached in Stockholm, Abdullah told us he would not discuss details of his dealings with the hijackers, but railed at his treatment by American authorities. “The hijackers associated with many people in California,” he said. “Nothing happened to any of them like what happened to me. This case keeps haunting me.”

The investigators then focused on an Algerian immigrant who had worked with Thumairy at the Saudi consulate in Los Angeles. He, too, proved elusive. The team also enlisted senior FBI officials to appeal directly to their Saudi counterparts for help with the 9/11 case, former officials said. The details of two encounters in Riyadh in 2011 and 2012 remain secret, but two officials said they came to nothing at least in part because of opposition from Saudi authorities.

Such obstacles notwithstanding, several senior FBI counterterrorism officials dispute the notion that the complexities of the United States relationship with Saudi Arabia prevented the filing of charges. Many counterterrorism experts, including some Encore investigators, doubted that Saudi Arabia’s rulers would have deliberately supported al-Qaida’s effort to attack the kingdom’s most powerful ally. It was easier to imagine that a few of the extremists who flourished in the largely autonomous clerical bureaucracy might have conspired to support the plot. But proof was lacking.

Cummings says that after Sept. 11, intelligence agencies scoured communications intercepts, known as signals intelligence, and reports from human sources around the world in search of Saudi links to the plot. “None of the high-value detainees talked about it,” he said. “There was no sigint. No humint. No family members talking about it — and somebody always talks.”

The Encore agents tended to see what was in front of them: There did appear to have been a support network, contrary to what some senior officials insisted; Bayoumi and Thumairy might not have been “unwitting” helpers; and there was still much more to excavate. They felt that the FBI bosses were just sticking to their story.

In 2014 and 2015, FBI officials aired those conflicting views in private briefings to the review panel established by Congress to follow up on the 9/11 Commission’s work. Some presentations were led by Maguire, who testified before the commission a decade earlier. She repeated her contention that in the connection between Bayoumi and the two California hijackers “everything seems accidental.”

In its 2015 report, the review panel for the first time noted publicly an “ongoing internal debate within the FBI,” between Penttbom veterans and the Encore team, on the question of possible Saudi involvement in the 9/11 plot. The panel urged the FBI leadership to “review both perspectives and continue the investigation accordingly.” It was, at best, a tepid endorsement of Encore’s work.

In San Diego, Gonzalez’s supervisors had started to reject his requests for funds to travel to interview witnesses. In an effort to keep the work going, Vazquez quietly began billing Gonzalez’s travel vouchers to the office of the terrorism task force in New York. “Danny spent more time battling his own people than he did these perps,” Vazquez told us.

But the Encore team also found a sympathetic ear in Brendan Quigley, an aggressive, young federal prosecutor in Manhattan. In December 2015, Quigley agreed to issue grand-jury subpoenas for the Eritrean, who was said to have lodged the hijackers in Los Angeles, and the Algerian former employee of the Saudi Consulate there. The investigators’ hope was that putting the Eritrean before a grand jury without a lawyer could pressure him to tell them everything he knew. They would then try to use that information with other sources. It was an approach that even some of those involved considered a long shot.

“As an investigative strategy, talking to people about something that happened 15 years ago in the hope that they will suddenly inculpate themselves in the largest terrorist attack in history — it’s not that promising,” one former New York prosecutor said. “There was very little documentary or other tangible evidence.”

In February 2016, a team of Encore investigators flew to meet with the Eritrean and his lawyer. They were joined by a senior terrorism prosecutor in the Southern District of New York, John P. Cronan. Given the Eritrean’s willingness to speak with the investigators, Cronan told the lawyer he could disregard the subpoena, which was later withdrawn. Some of the agents were in disbelief, feeling they had been undercut. But Cronan did not believe that inconsistencies in the witnesses’ statements were particularly significant, another former prosecutor said, or that there was much point in trying to lock in his account by having him testify before a grand jury. As Cronan dug deeper into the case, he concluded that the investigators did not have nearly enough hard evidence for a successful prosecution. “Prosecutors sometimes have to have tough conversations with investigators about why evidence does not support going forward with a criminal prosecution,” Cronan told us. “It’s understandable that the investigators are passionate about their cases, but we need admissible evidence of a defendant’s guilt that we can offer in a courtroom.”

Back in New York, the terrorism prosecutors debated the case among themselves and with senior officials at the FBI. They were all working full tilt, at a moment when major attacks by the Islamic State in Europe had heightened concerns about a new terror strike in the United States. Finally, the head of the New York terrorism task force, Carlos T. Fernandez, called a meeting to decide how to proceed.

In a secure conference room at the task-force headquarters in Chelsea, Fernandez said he appreciated the Encore team’s efforts, but he thought they had come to the end of the line. Vazquez, in particular, didn’t try to hide his frustration, insisting that if they could just get the witnesses “in the box,” they could finally break through. Instead, as part of a wider reorganization of the task force, the Encore case was moved to a squad responsible for historical terrorism investigations. “The case had already been identified to be reassigned by the time that meeting happened,” Fernandez told us. “The agents, to their credit, would go to the ends of the earth to follow leads. But we needed to shift resources and deal with priorities. We couldn’t continue down the path we were on.”

Gonzalez called up the agent to whom the file was assigned and asked him if he wanted to escape the New York winter and fly to San Diego for a detailed briefing. The agent declined the offer.

The New York team was quickly broken up. The agents, analysts and a supervisor were scattered to other jobs. A respected senior analyst on the team who spent years developing terrorism expertise was moved to the FBI’s criminal section, where he was assigned child-pornography cases. In a parting shot, the analyst dispatched the Encore case file to the new unit with one last, forceful summary, laying out in 16 pages everything that the team found about suspected Saudi complicity in the plot. He then uploaded the secret document into the FBI’s electronic record, ensuring that it could not be erased.

On Jan. 13, a group of 9/11 families — survivors of the attacks and relatives of those killed — filed into a courtroom in Lower Manhattan. Filling the wooden benches and packed against the paneled walls, they listened intently as their lawyers and those of the Saudi government debated dry points of legal procedure.

The Justice Department lawyers have sometimes sat alongside the kingdom’s lawyers at such hearings, infuriating the families. Although Justice Department officials did not participate in this session, their absence did little to allay the families’ resentment over what they see as a wall of secrecy that protects only Saudi Arabia. “There’s real bitterness over the lack of justice for 9/11,” said Timothy Frolich, a bank executive who escaped the south tower of the World Trade Center but suffered severe injuries. He added, “We’re fighting on two fronts: our own government and the Saudis.”

When the lawsuit was filed in March of 2017, the families celebrated it as a triumph. President Obama had vetoed legislation that allowed the suit to proceed, citing international law obligations, but the Republican-­led Congress overrode his veto. Since then, however, the suit has moved slowly. At this hearing, the two sides parried over how many Saudi officials and other witnesses the plaintiffs would be allowed to question during the deposition phase. One of the Saudi government’s lawyers, Gregory G. Rapawy, argued for sharply restricting the number, saying the plaintiffs had “not produced any evidence to support the allegations that Mr. al-Bayoumi and Mr. al-Thumairy acted at the direction of senior Saudi government officials in assisting the hijackers.”

On the night before the families’ White House visit last September, Gonzalez finally got a chance to meet some of them at a dinner in Washington. After retiring in 2016, he signed on as a consultant to the plaintiffs’ legal team. Two of the relatives asked him how he persevered through the frustrations of his 15-year investigation. He told them that he thought about the attacks every day. “We were all just crying,” recalls Christopher Ganci, a captain in the New York Fire Department whose father, Peter, was the highest-ranking firefighter to die in the attacks.

The day after the families’ White House visit, Justice Department lawyers filed documents in support of Attorney General Barr’s claim of state secrets. The FBI’s current counterterrorism chief, Michael C. McGarrity, made an argument that Gonzalez had heard before. “The FBI expects to continue the investigation over the long term,” he wrote. The bureau’s goal, McGarrity added, would be to bring “criminal charges against all individuals responsible for the attacks.”

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9/11 Dancing Israelis Claim Israel will Destroy America by 2021

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9-11: The Bottom Line – An Open Letter to All Researchers

Recently, some 9-11 researchers have questioned VT’s work on the subject, therefore I felt a retort was apropos.

The 9-11 material VT has published is only 1% of the hands-on inquiries we have run including bin Laden involvement, where Gordon Duff met with current and former ISI (Pakistani Intelligence Agency) directors (one was a VT editor of course) and was given access to all of Pakistan’s records, with Gordon’s long-time friend Adm. Sirohey (former CJCOS) at his side.

One of the interesting side stories is AEG Kroll (longtime CIA front), reputedly the company that handled the financing for 9/11. Their CFO was the 38 year old brother of the head of Britain’s foreign intelligence service at the time, and was murdered after 9/11 in Portugal. That investigation had to be private, run by Adamas with Gordon Duff as team leader…

VT Editor Jeff Smith was actually there at ground zero within days of the destruction as part of the IAEA investigation, he knows more about 9-11 than you could ever hope to. The parts we have published at VT are just a fraction; what we can get away with publishing without endangering ourselves and our sources, of which Jeff is just one, a whole host of patriotic insiders within the IAEA, Sandia Labs and other major bodies that were directly involved contributed to the information we were able to publish.

This is how the real world works – names are changed to protect people, sources have to be protected, patriots give up immensely valuable gems of information because we can be trusted to publish it and use it to the fullest effect against the perpetrators of the attack on the US. You will never have every ‘i’ dotted and ‘t’ crossed, there will always be holes, this is where the skills of intelligence analysis come into play and we are the best analysts working outside the closed spook world; sometimes better than the spooks.

How 9-11 was carried out is old hat, we have everything we need to know, we have a clear picture. However, we have long ago moved on from the mechanics and physics to the important parts – who did it and what were their intended goals?

An analogy to the JFK case is apt – only pedantic, waste of space type people anguished for decades over how it was done, the serious people moved past who pulled the trigger onto who controlled the operation that put JFK in the firing line; Jim Garrison was at the head of the pack in this regard.

The same people that killed JFK also blew up the WTC, think about that and the implications it has for the last 60 years.

All you need to know about the death of JFK is that he was placed in front of the muzzles of several assassins then shot to pieces; the calibres of their weapons, their actual sniper nest locations and their identities are irrelevant.

All you need to know about the WTC on 9-11 is that no planes hit anything and the complex was destroyed by nuclear weapons; the exact type of the mini nukes, their actual locations in vans parked below freon tanks and scattered throughout the core in fire extinguishers in irrelevant.

VT is in the business of dealing with the big issues, what we are decidedly not in the business of is the kinds of pedantic, irrelevant dotting i’s and crossing t’s that so many who interposed themselves into the murky world of ‘9-11 research’ concern themselves with. Such people are rank amateurs and an obsessive interest in bogging people down in such pedantic minutiae is a clear indicator of the influence of the controlled opposition operators who swim through the so-called ‘research community’ like sharks in a tank.

I’ll sum it up:

Israeli operators parked vans containing mini nukes in the WTC basement parking garages, other Israeli teams posing as legitimate security and maintenance staff placed further mini nukes disguised as fire extinguishers in key locations within the towers in the days before 9-11. Yet more Israeli teams with vans laden with exploding goodies were apprehended by NYPD on the morning of 9-11 itself, hence major infrastructure like the George Washington Bridge and the Holland Tunnel survive to this day.

The operation was only able to be carried out because Israeli assets within the US allowed it to happen – the FBI had active surveillance of the Israeli-Saudi group in NJ that carried out the operation; without high level interference, the whole operation could have easily been prevented by the FBI & NYPD simply being allowed to do their jobs properly.

The Saudi role was primarily financing and creation of the cover story involving the Bin Ladens and other Saudi assets such as the Atta operation.

The Pentagon part of 9-11 was a separate event, timed to coincide with the Israeli operation in NYC but distinct from it and run by the same high level US assets that enabled the Israeli teams to operate in NYC. It was an incredibly cynical elimination of the Pentagon accounting staff that would have been able to investigate the fate of the missing 2.3 trillion dollars admitted by Rumsfeld just the day before.

General Myer, just appointed CJCOS, was key. He called the meeting of the audit staff then didn’t show up. One VT editor missed being killed by seconds. Of course, VT personnel know Myer and his family, saw the money laundered through his daughter and son-in-law then watched the son-in-law run the prosecution of former UN Ambassador Mark Siljander (VT editor) for debunking intel from SITE on Iraqi weapons.

Siljader served 2 years for this, with his defense team run by Ed Meese (former AG), Jim Baker (former Sec of State) and Gordon Duff. Two former Deputy Directors of the FBI helped, both Adamas personnel.

It was a blatantly simple operation:

1. Announce 2.3 trillion missing from Pentagon accounts in order to trigger an immediate forensic financial investigation.

2. The entire Pentagon financial staff assembles in the accounting office the morning after the announcement to attend an emergency meeting called as a direct result of that announcement.

3. Kill absolutely every last matercopulator in the room so that no investigation of where the missing 2.3 trillion went is ever able to take place. It’s a big office, there are scores of people who need to die and the building is armoured against bomb attack. A nuclear tipped cruise missile will do the job.

4. Scatter some old aircraft wreckage on the lawn outside, cut down a few light poles nearby and have your CIA assets in the media say a plane flew into the Pentagon.

5. Seize all video footage from the 80+ security cameras that recorded a cruise missile strike and only release a handful of frames 20 years later.

6. Get away with it because everyone is too busy watching the WTC turn into a giant pyroclastic roman candle to notice your blatant assassination job down in DC. Blame it on the same ‘mad Arabs with boxcutters’ and retire to a life of luxury safe in the knowledge you killed two birds with one stone on 9-11 – serving the interests of your Israeli masters while also covering your own ***** over the wholesale milking of the US defence budget to the tune of trillions.

If you aren’t interested in this kind of ‘big picture’ analysis and instead want to argue about the physics of some irrelevant aspect of the Israeli operation in NYC then you are simply an amateur wasting your own time and VT isn’t going to fall into the trap of wasting our own time dealing with you.

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posted February 13, 2020 11:07 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for todd     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote

Nuclear 9/11: A Truth Creeps Out, Perhaps Not “the Truth”

Years ago, we stumbled over an Israeli-financed group claiming 9/11 was perpetrated by a secret organization that entered the WTC buildings at night, over a dozen years, taking down wallboard and painting the girders with a thermite compound made on the ISS (International Space Station.)

Years later, the FBI agent that oversaw the arrest of dozens of Israeli agents (multiple sources including CBS and CNN), who were released and flown home in hours (said to be “the bin Laden family, close friends of the Bush family, being saved from angry American mobs…funny) who had been placed on forced leave after a failed attempt to assassinate him, sent us the files…

This was May 4, 2014.

The weapons shown on the video are decades old. The expert in their deployment, Colonel James Hanke, is a VT editor.

The report we received indicated that new weapons were built for 9/11, similar in ways but with far less radiation, using nearly all of their fissionable material…which had been stolen from Pantex, nuclear cores originally built for W54 nuclear artillery. (oval/hollow/large).

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posted May 06, 2020 08:19 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for todd     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote
The the the coverups of 9/11 is of the same level that the covert/political establishment of covid-19.

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posted August 31, 2020 01:57 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for Randall     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote

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posted September 29, 2020 01:40 PM     Click Here to See the Profile for Randall     Edit/Delete Message   Reply w/Quote

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