posted September 21, 2007 12:05 AM
Bush Threatens Veto of Child Health Bill
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By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG
Published: September 21, 2007
WASHINGTON, Sept. 20 — President Bush, bracing for a series of battles with Congress over spending, threatened on Thursday to veto a bill expanding a popular children’s health insurance program, calling it “a step toward federalization of health care.”
The program expires Sept. 30, and Congress is on the verge of renewing it by providing coverage to an additional 4 million children over the 6.6 million already enrolled — at an additional cost of $35 billion over five years. Mr. Bush says the bill would expand a program aimed at helping the poor beyond its original intent.
The veto threat is just one of nearly a dozen the White House has issued recently aimed at a variety of bills including measures on education spending and financing for medical research. With the fiscal year ending Sept. 30, Mr. Bush and Congressional Democrats are headed for a showdown over spending similar to the one that preceded the government shutdown of 1995.
On Capitol Hill, lawmakers have yet to complete action on any of their 12 major spending bills. But even if they do, Mr. Bush will not sign them; he has issued veto threats on 10 of the 11 appropriations measures passed so far by the House.
At his news conference on Thursday, Mr. Bush sought to get out ahead of the Democrats by painting them as big spenders and himself as a responsible steward of taxpayers’ money. He urged Democrats to pass a temporary extension of the health insurance program, and accused them of playing politics with children’s health care by waiting until the program was about to lapse to send him legislation they know he will veto.
“In other words,” Mr. Bush said, “members of Congress are putting health coverage for poor children at risk so they can score political points in Washington.”
Democrats, meanwhile, are trying to force Mr. Bush into the uncomfortable position of vetoing a bill covering 10 million children before any spending bills reach his desk. They are casting the president as the compassionate conservative who forgot his compassion.
“They thought they were going to get a fight on spending appropriations, and what they’re getting is 10 million children’s health care,” said Representative Rahm Emanuel, the Illinois Democrat who is chairman of the House Democratic Caucus. “Sept. 30 is the deadline on kids’ health care. We’re going to meet that deadline and he’s going to get a chance to side with 10 million kids or not.”
If Mr. Bush’s emphasis on fiscal restraint is angering Democrats, it is pleasing conservatives in Mr. Bush’s own party, who have long accused the president of allowing government spending to run amok. That criticism is percolating again in Washington this week from an unlikely source: Alan Greenspan, the former chairman of the Federal Reserve, who in a new book has accused Mr. Bush of putting Republican politics ahead of fiscal responsibility.
On Thursday, Mr. Bush defended himself. “I respectfully disagree with Alan Greenspan when it comes to saying that this administration didn’t handle the fiscal — the fiscal issues we faced in good fashion,” he said. “As a matter of fact, we did.”
In calling for Congress to pass a “clean, temporary extension” of the current State Children’s Health Insurance Program, Mr. Bush argued that the Democratic bill would raise taxes and allow children whose families earn up to $83,000 a year to enroll. The Democrats propose paying for the measure by raising the federal excise tax on cigarettes.
But the chief Republican sponsor of the bill in the Senate, Senator Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, said Mr. Bush “is getting bad information.” He said Mr. Bush’s reference to the $83,000 limit was drawn from a proposal put forth by New York State to receive an exemption from the program’s restrictions, which the administration recently denied.
Mr. Grassley said he appealed to the president directly Thursday morning, telling him that a long-term extension of the current law would leave children uncovered, and that the $5 billion increase in the program the president has proposed is not enough to cover more children.
“Drawing lines in the sand at this stage isn’t constructive,” Mr. Grassley said, adding, “I wish he’d engage Congress in a bill that he could sign instead of threatening a veto, and I hope he’ll still do that.”
Democrats were more pointed. Senator Robert Menendez, Democrat of New Jersey, accused Mr. Bush of a “stubborn and uncompassionate stance,” while Representative John D. Dingell, the Michigan Democrat who is the longest-serving member of the House, called Mr. Bush’s stance “shameful.”
The House and the Senate have approved the legislation in different forms, and for the last month they have been trying to reconcile their differences. Though they have not announced the fine points of their final bill, they have agreed on its major provisions and are expected to approve it next week, in time for the Sept. 30 deadline.
But it is unlikely that the approval will come with a veto-proof margin. The bill Mr. Grassley backed in the Senate passed 68 to 31, with one vote more than the 67 necessary to override a presidential veto if all 100 senators are voting. The House version passed 225 to 204, well short of the two-thirds majority necessary for an override.
That means Democrats and the White House will almost certainly have to work together on some kind of extension if Mr. Bush issues his veto, because neither side wants to take the blame for letting the children’s health program lapse.
Robert Pear contributed reporting.
The poor children are not gonna loose anything. He talks so much crap. He has some nerve.
It's no problem for this monkey to spend gazillions in Iraq and Afghanistan. Insurance is not cheap at all for others.
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/21/washington/21bush.html?hp
Medicare Audits Show Problems in Private Plans
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By ROBERT PEAR
Published: October 7, 2007
WASHINGTON, Oct. 6 — Tens of thousands of Medicare recipients have been victims of deceptive sales tactics and had claims improperly denied by private insurers that run the system’s huge new drug benefit program and offer other private insurance options encouraged by the Bush administration, a review of scores of federal audits has found.
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Paul Vernon/Associated Press
Michael O. Leavitt, the secretary of health and human services, says the Medicare drug benefit is saving people money.
The problems, described in 91 audit reports reviewed by The New York Times, include the improper termination of coverage for people with H.I.V. and AIDS, huge backlogs of claims and complaints, and a failure to answer telephone calls from consumers, doctors and drugstores.
Medicare officials have required insurance companies of all sizes to fix the violations by adopting “corrective action plans.” Since March, Medicare has imposed fines of more than $770,000 on 11 companies for marketing violations and failure to provide timely notice to beneficiaries about changes in costs and benefits.
The companies include three of the largest participants in the Medicare market, UnitedHealth, Humana and WellPoint.
The audits document widespread violations of patients’ rights and consumer protection standards. Some violations could directly affect the health of patients — for example, by delaying access to urgently needed medications.
In July, Medicare terminated its contract with a private plan in Florida after finding that it posed an “imminent and serious threat” to its 11,000 members.
In other cases, where auditors criticized a company’s “policies and procedures,” the effects on patients were not clear.
The audits show the growing pains that Medicare has experienced as it introduced the popular new drug benefit and shifted more responsibility to private health plans.
For years, Democrats have complained about efforts to “privatize Medicare,” and they are likely to cite the findings as evidence that private insurers cannot be trusted to care for the sickest, most vulnerable Medicare recipients.
But federal officials point with pride to their efforts to police the Medicare market, and they say that competition among private plans has been a boon to beneficiaries, offering more choices at lower cost than anyone expected.
“The Medicare drug benefit is saving seniors an average of $1,200 a year,” said Michael O. Leavitt, the secretary of health and human services.
Medicare officials said the audits also showed that insurers would be held accountable.
“The start-up period is over,” said Kerry N. Weems, the new acting administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. “I am simply not going to tolerate marketing abuses.”
The same insurance companies that offer stand-alone drug plans also sell Medicare Advantage plans, which provide a full range of benefits including coverage of doctor’s visits and hospital care. Enrollment in Medicare Advantage plans has grown rapidly, to more than 8 million, from 4.7 million in 2003. Federal auditors found the same types of violations in both parts of the program.
Of the audits conducted by the Department of Health and Human Services, 39 focused on drug benefits, 44 focused on managed care plans and 8 examined other types of private plans.
Medicare officials said that compliance problems occurred most often in two areas: marketing, and the handling of appeals and grievances related to the quality of care.
Many of the marketing abuses occurred in sales of the fastest-growing type of Medicare Advantage product, known as private fee-for-service plans. In June, the government announced that seven of the leading companies in this market, including UnitedHealth, Humana and Coventry, had agreed to suspend marketing of these plans. Medicare recently allowed them to resume marketing after they took steps to monitor their sales agents more closely.
Each Medicare plan has a list of preferred drugs, known as a formulary. Under federal law, patients can request coverage of other drugs that may be medically necessary. But many insurers do not have procedures to handle such requests, auditors said.
John H. Wells, the compliance officer at Bravo Health, defended the company’s record, but he said: “The appeals and grievance process is very complex. It is very difficult for any plan to be fully compliant. In many cases, the government’s guidance is unclear, so it’s impossible for a business to know what to do.”
These findings were typical of the deficiencies described in Medicare audit reports:
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[URL=http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/07/us/07medicare.html?_r=1&ei=5118&en=7a643c8880ab22df&ex=1349496000&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&partner=rssaol&emc=rss&adxnnlx=1191759292-nkKTNeKffT0D xC3vO]http://www.nytimes.com/2007/10/07/us/07medicare.html?_r=1&ei=5118&en=7a643c8880ab22df&ex=1349496000&adxnnl=1&oref=slogin&partner=rssaol&emc=rss&adxnnlx=1191759292-nkKTNeKffT0 DxC3vO[/URL] zCKAA
How Bush Lost Sight of the Children
Wednesday, Oct. 03, 2007 By JIM WALLIS
President Geroge W. Bush speaks about the budget in Lancaster, Pa., Wednesday, Oct. 3, 2007.
President Geroge W. Bush speaks about the budget in Lancaster, Pa., Wednesday, Oct. 3, 2007.
Pablo Martinez Monsivais / AP
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When I first heard that President Bush was vowing to veto a bipartisan bill to expand child health care, my immediate thought was more personal than political. What has happened to him, I wondered. Now that he has followed through on his threat, I can't help but think about the first time we met and the conversation we had about children.
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Bush: A Born-Again Conservative?
Bush: A Born-Again Conservative? Thursday, Sep. 27, 2007 By JAY NEWTON-SMALL/WASHINGTON ...
Just one day after Bush secured his election in December 2000, I received a phone call inviting me to Austin to meet with him and a small group of religious leaders. The President-elect wanted to discuss his oft-stated passion for really tackling the persistent problem of poverty and to tell us about his vision for "faith-based initiatives." I had not voted for George W. Bush, and that fact was no secret to him or his staff. But he reached out to me, and to others in the faith community across the political spectrum, because we shared a common concern. I was impressed by that, and by the topic of gathering down in Austin.
Those of us who had been summoned to Texas filed into a little Sunday School classroom at First Baptist, Austin, where we would meet with Bush. I had preached at the church before and knew the pastor, who told me how puzzled he was that his quite "progressive" church was chosen for the meeting. Inside the classroom, 25 of us were seated in chairs, chatting and not knowing what to expect, when Bush walked in without any great introduction. He took a seat and told us that he just wanted to listen to our concerns, to hear what we thought the solutions were for dealing with poverty in America.
And he really did listen, more than Presidents often do. He also asked questions. One sounded lofty, yet it resonated with those of us seated around the room: "How do I speak to the soul of America?" My answer to that was simple: Focus on the children. Their plight is our shame, I told him, and their promise is our future. Reach them and you reach our soul. Bush nodded in agreement. The conversation was rich and deep for more than an hour and a half.
When the discussion officially ended, Bush moved around the room, talking with us individually or in small groups for another hour. I could see that his staff was anxious to whisk him away (Cabinet appointments were being made that week and there were key departments yet to fill). Yet he lingered and continued to ask questions. At one point, he turned to me and said, with what I could only read as complete sincerity, "Jim, I don't understand poor people. I've never lived with poor people or been around poor people much. I don't understand what they think and feel about a lot of things. I'm just a white Republican guy who doesn't get it. How do I get it?"
I still recall the intense and earnest look on his face as he stared right into my eyes and asked his question. It was a moment of humility and candor that, frankly, we don't often see with Presidents.
My response to President-elect Bush was born of my own experience. He should, I suggested, listen to poor people themselves, and pay attention to those who live and work with the poor. Again, he nodded his head; again, he seemed to agree. When I returned home, I told my wife Joy, also a clergyperson, about our conversation. Weeks later, we listened together to President Bush's first inaugural address. When he said, "America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault... Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do," my wife poked me in the ribs and smiled.
Bush talked more about poverty in that inaugural address than any President had for a long time. When I said so in a newspaper column soon after, my Democratic friends were not pleased. Nor did they like the fact that I started attending meetings at the White House with the President and members of his staff about how to best construct a "faith-based initiative." Other friends of mine, however, were appointed to lead and staff the new Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, the first the White House had ever seen. We brought many delegations of religious leaders — conservative, liberal, and everything in between — to meet with the men and women who ran that office. Many of us dared hope that something new might be in the air.
But that was a long time ago. We don't hear much about that office or initiative anymore. Most of my friends have long left. I don't hear about meetings now. The phrase "compassionate conservatism" rarely passes the lips of anyone at the White House these days.
And now, the President has vetoed a bipartisan measure to expand health insurance for low-income children. Most of his expressed objections to the bill have been vigorously refuted by Republican Senators who helped craft the legislation. Members of his own party have vowed to lobby their colleagues in an effort to override the veto. During his first presidential campaign, Bush chided conservative House Republicans for spending cuts accomplished on the backs of the poor. Now congressional Republicans are chiding him.
What happened to this President? The money needed for expanding health care to poor children in America is far less than the money that has been lost and wasted on corruption in Iraq. How have the priorities strayed so far from those children, whom he once agreed were so central to the soul of the nation? What do they need to do to get the President's attention again?
The faithful — of all creeds and political affiliations — barraged the White House last week, imploring the President to reconsider his veto threat. Our efforts did not bear fruit. But I wonder if, before he put his veto stamp on that legislation, the President thought back to that little meeting in a Baptist Sunday school classroom, not far from where he grew up. I wonder if he remembered that day, what we talked about, what was in his heart, and how much hope there was in the room. If he knows his Bible, the President should remember that Jesus said to suffer the little children. This, however, isn't exactly what he meant.
Jim Wallis is the founder of Sojourners and the author of God's Politics: Why the Right Gets It Wrong and the Left Doesn't Get It
http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1668016,00.html